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KMSB-SEiWOM. ^IVNlUK-vaiVEiou i 






B. CAPPS, Ph.D., LL.D. T. B. PAGE, Litt.D. W. H. D. ROUSE, Litt.D 









C. R. HAINES, M.A., F.S.A. 






• • • 

• • « 

% ». 










De Feriis AlsiensibuSfl (Naber, p. 223). 
Ambr. 218 | MaGISTRO meO. 

Ferias apud Alsium quam feriatas egerimus non 
scribam tibi^ ne et ipse angaris et me obiurges^ mi 
magister. Lorium autem regressus domnulam meam 
<leviter> febricitantem repperi. Medicus dicit, si 
cito nobis me . . . . tu quoque . . . .^ <si •tu> 
valeas, <ego> laetior sim. Nam oculis spero te iam 
utentem sanis visere .... Vale, mi magister. 

De Fer. Als, 2 (Naber, p. 223). 

Domino meo Antonino Augusto. 

Ferias Alsienses .... in novellae quid can- 
tetur vineae atque . . . .^ quid multarum rustic- 
arum. Catonem quoque in oratione adversus Lepidum 
verbum cantari solitum commemorasse, quom ait 
statuas positas Ochae atque Dionysodoro ejfeminatis, qui 

^ About eight lines are lost. 

''^ In these lacunae twelve lines are lost. 

^ On the Etrurian coast, twenty-four miles from Rome. 

» o 


3 J 


Marcus Antoninus to Fronto 

To my master. 1^2 a.d. 

In what holiday wise we have kept our holiday 
at Alsium ^ I will not put on paper^ that you may 
not be yourself troubled and scold me^ my master. 
On my return to Lorium 2 I found my little lady * 
slightly feverish. The doctor says, if we soon 

If you were well, I should 

be happier. For I hope to see you soon enjoying 
the use of sound eyes .... Farewell, my master. 

Fronto to Marcus Antoninus 

To my Lord Antoninus Augustus. 

Your Alsian holiday 

of many rustic 

things. That Cato also in his speech Against Lepidus 
mentioned a word in everyone's mouth when he 
spoke of statues ^ set up to suck unmanly creatures as 

* Half-way to Alsium from Rome. 
' Probably his daughter Cornificia. 

* According to Plutarch, Cato preferred that statues of 
himself shoilild be conspicuous by their absence. 

B 2 


tnagiras facerentj'^'^IcrAh .... velint post redire 
. . . : fa^it:* J*i3pportune .... cantandi luden- 
dique*.initi«yA <3apiunt. Et . . . .^ paravit. 

y^fxifier. Al8. SJNaber, p. 224). 

j^TAj^f. • I Domino meo Antonino Augusto. 

;*•*•* 1. Quid ? ego ignoro ea te mente Alsium isse ut 

animo morjem gereres ibique ludo et ioco et otio libero 
quatriduum universupi operam dares ? Nee dubito 
quin te ad ferias in secessu maritimo fruendas ita 
eompararis: in sole meridiano ut somno oboedires 
Cubans^ deinde Nigrum vocares, libros intro ferre 
iuberes^ mox ut te studium legendi incessisset^ aut te 
Plauto expolires aut Accio expleres aut Lucretio 
delenires aut Ennio incenderes^ in horam istic ^ 
Musarum propriam^ quintam; redires inde libris 
.... eres diss .... mitteres ; Ciceronis si ser- 
mones ad te detulisset^ audires; inde <de>vius 
quantum potis ad ^ litus pergeres et raucas paludes 
ambires; <tum> vel, si videretur, aliquam navem 
conscenderes^ ut ^ aethere tranquillo in altum <pro- 
vectus> portisculorum et remigum visu audituque 
te oblectares ; actutum inde balneas peteres^ corpus 

Ambr. 234 ad sudorem uberem commoveres^ | convivium deinde 

^ From opportune to paravit the Codex has eleven lines 
not deciphered. 
^ Niebuhr istam ; Elob. Ellis istiua, i.e, of Ennius. 

* For Mai's poteras. 

* Buttmann for God. vel. 


Ocha and Dionysodorus who practised cooking .... 

. . . . a beginning 

of singing and playing . 

Fronto to Marcus 

162 A.D. 

To my Lord Antoninus Augustus. 

1. What? Am I not aware that you went to 
Alsium with the intention of indulging yourself and 
there giving yourself up to recreation and mirth 
and complete leisure for four whole days.'' And I 
have no doubt that you have set about enjoying the 
holiday at your seaside resort in this fashion : after 
taking your usual siesta at noonday^ you would call 
Niger ^ and bid him bring in your books ; soon when 
you felt the inclination to read^ you would polish 
your style with Plautus or saturate yourself with 
Accius or soothe yourself with Lucretius or fire 
yourself with Ennius^ to the hour in that case 

appropriate to the Muses^ the fifth ^ . 

. . . . ; if he had brought you treatises of Cicero, 
you would listen to them ; then you would go as far 
as possible off the beaten track to the shore and 
skirt the croaking marshes ; then even, if the fancy 
took you, get on board some vessel, that, putting out 
to sea in calm . weather, you might delight yourself 
with the sight and sound of the rowers and their 
time-giver's * baton ; anon you would be off from 
there to the baths, make yourself sweat profusely, 

^ Not mentioned again. He would most likely be the 
secretary or librarian of Marcus, possibly his anagnostes or 

* This seems a punning reference to Quintus, the prae- 
nomen of Ennius. 

' The master of the rowers (something like our bo'sun) 
gave them the time by the beats of a hammer or baton. 



regium agitares conchis omnium generum^ Plautino 
piscatu hamatili, ut ille ait^ et saxatili,^ altilibus 
veterum saginarum^ matteis pomis bellariis crustulis 
vinis felicibus calicibus perlucidis sine delatoria nota. 
2. Quid hoc verbi sit^ quaeras fortasse : accipe 
igitur. Ut homo ego multum facundus et Senecae 
Annaei sectator Faustiana vina de Sullae Fausti 
cognom^nto felicia appello; calicem \&co sine delatoria 
nota quom dico^ sine puncto dico. Neque enim me 
deeet, qui sim tarn homo doctus^ volgi verbis Faler- 
num vinum aut calicem acentetum appellare. Nam 
qua te dicam gratia Alsium^ maritimum et volup- 
tarium locum^ et ut ait Plautus, loc<ul>um lubricum ^ 
delegisse, nisi ut bene haberes genio, utique verbo 
vetere faceres animo volup,^ Qua, malum ! volup ? 
Immo^ si dimidiatis verbis verum dicendum est, uti 
tu animo faceres vigil — vigilias dico — aut ut faceres 
labo aut ut feceres mole — labores et moles tias dico — . 
Tu umquam volup? Volpem facilius quis tibi quam 
voluptatem conciliaverit. Die, oro te, Marce, idcir- 
cone Alsium petisti, ut in prospectu maris esurires ? 
Quid ? tu Lorii te' fame et siti et negotiis agendis 
Ambr. 223 adfligcre nequibas ? In apopsi | . . . . lucundiores 
tibi esse videntur .... memini me ad ... . 
pueros in balneis esse .... rescribas .... liber 
.... mare ipsum aiunt, ubi alcedonia sint, fieri 
feriatum. An alcedo cum pullis suis tranquillo otio 

1 Plant. Bud. ii. i. 10. ' Plaut. Mil Qlor. iii. ii. 38. 

^ Plaut. Asin. V. iii. 1. cp. cael = caelum, gau = gaudium 
(Rnnius), and nol = nolueris (Luciliiis). It was the fashion in 
Elizabethan times to curtail English words, e.g, sor = sorrow. 


then discuss a royal banquet with shellfish of all 
kinds^ a Plautine catch hook-taken, rock-haunting, as 
he says, capons long fed fat, delicacies, fruit, sweets, 
confectionery, felicitous wines, translucent cups with 
no informer's brand. 

2. Perhaps you will ask what do you mean? 
Listen then ! I as a man greatly eloquent and a 
disciple of Annaeus Seneca call Faustian ^ wines 
felicitous wines from Faustus Sulla's title ; moreover 
when 1 speak of a cup without an informer's brand, 
I mean a cup without a spot. For it does not become 
a man so learned as I am to speak in everyday terms 
of Falernian wine or a flawless cup. For to what 
end can I say that you chose Alsium, a seaside 
and pleasure resort and, as Plautus has it, a slippery 
spot, if not to indulge yourself and^ in ancient 
parlance, take your pleasu? How — the mischief! 
— pleasu ? Nay, if the truth must be told in 
docked words, that you might to your heart's con- 
tent indulge in watchin — I mean watching — , in 
labors — I mean labours — , in vexats — I mean vexa- 
tions. You ever indulge in pleasu } It were easier to 
reconcile you to a polecat than to pleasure. Tell me, 
Marcus, I beseech you, have you repaired to Alsium 
only to fast with the sea in sight .'' What, could you 
not wear yourself out at Lorium with hunger and 
thirst and doing business ? With a fine view .... 
seem to you more delightful ? I remember (telling) 


The very sea, they say, keeps holiday, when the 
halcyon broods. ^ Is a halcyon with her chicks 

* The ciger Faustianvs was part of the Falernian district. 
Felix was a title of Faustus Sulla. Fronto is sarcastic in 
his allusion to Seneca, whom he disliked. 

2 See Plutarch On Water Animals^ xxxv. 



dignior est quam tu cum tuis liberis ? . . . . 
<v>etere<s> <tyr>annos.^ 

3. At enim res plane iam postulat — num studium ? 
num laborem ? num <vigilias ?> num munera ? ^ 
Quis arcus perpetuo intenditur ? Quae fides per- 
petuo substrictae sunt ? ^ Oculi conivendo * <tan- 
tum> durant, qui uno obnixi obtutu interissent. 

Anibr. 226 Hortus qui crebro pangitur, ope <si> stercoris | in- 
diget, herbas et holuscula nihili procreat ; frumento 
vero et solidis frugibus requietus ager deligitur ; 
ubertas soli otio paratur. 

4. Quid maiores vestri qui rempublicam et im- 
perium Romanum magnis auctibus auxerunt. Pro- 
avus vester summus bellator tamen histrionibus 
interdum se delectavit, et praeterea potavit satis 
strenue. Tamen eius opera populus Romanus in 
triumphis mulsum saepe bibit. Avum item vestrum,^ 
doctum principem et navum et orbis terrarum non 
regendi tantum sed etiam perambulandi diligentem, 
modulorum tamen et tibicinum studio devinctum 
fuisse scimus, et praeterea prandiorum opimorum 
esorem optimum fuisse. Iam vero pater vester, 
divinus ille vir, providentia pudieitia frugalitate 
innocentia pietate sanctimonia omnes omnium prin- 
cipum virtutes supergressus, tamen et palaestram ^ 
ingressus est et hamum ^ instruxit et scurras risit. 

^ These two words do not appear in Mai. Naber seems 
to have got them from du Rieu. 

* Cod. illegible except for letter u. 

* Mai has suo strirtac sono. * Cornelissen for Cod. coniugio. 

* Charisius (i. 127), who quotes this passage, adds duum, 
(= ditoram). 



worthier of quiet ease than you with your children ? 

3. But you say that circumstances now plainly de- 
mand — not study surely? not toil? not wakeful- 
ness ? not duties ? What bow is for ever strung ^ ? 
what chords for ever stretched ? By winking alone 
can eyes keep their sights which could not but fail if 
fixed in one unwavering stare. A garden repeatedly 
planted^ if it lack the aid of manure^ bears only 
weeds, and stunted vegetables of no value ; for corn, 
however, and staple crops land that has lain fallow 
is chosen ; rest restores fruitfulness to the soil. 

4. What of your ancestors who enlarged the state 
and empire of Rome with huge additions ? Your 
great-grandfather, consummate warrior as he was, 
yet at timps took pleasure in actors * and, moreover, 
drank pretty stoutly. Yet thanks to him the Roman 
people often drank mead at his triumphs. We 
know, too, that your grandfather, a learned ruler 
and a strenuous, loving not only to govern the world, 
but to go up and down in it, was yet devoted to 
music and flute-players, and was withal a right good 
eater of right rich banquets. Again, your father, 
that godlike man, who in his foresight, continence, 
frugality, blamelessness, dutifulness, and personal 
righteousness excelled the virtues of all rulers, yet 
visited the palaestra, and baited a hook and laughed 
at buffoons. 

1 Hor. Od. II. X. 20. 
• So Princ. Hist, ad fin, 

^ Galen, vi. 406 (Kiihn) says the same of Marcus. 

' The margin of Cod. has theabriim twice, and implies that 
it was another reading. Capit. Vit. Pii xi. 2 says Pius was 
fond of fishing. 



5. Nihil de Gaio Caesare dico acerrimo Cleopatrae 
hoste <post moecho,^ nihil de AuguStO LiViAe viro. 
Romulum ipsum urbis huius conditorem^ quom hos- 
tium ducem manu comminus conserta obtruncavit 

Arabr. 226 quomque spolia opima | Feretrio vexit, huncne tenui 
victu usum putas? Profecto neque esuriens quis- 
quam neque abstemius animum induxisset virgines 
adultas de spectaculis rapere. Quid ? Numa senex 
sanctissimus nonne inter liba et decimas profanandas 
et suovetaurilia mactanda aetatem egit, epularum ^ 
dictator, cenarum libator, feriarum promulgator? 
Saturatum et feriatum dico. E<x o>mn<ibus tu>^ 
esuriales ferias celebras ? Nee Chrysippum tuum 
praeteribo, quern cotidie ferunt madescere solitum. 
Et pleraque .... Socratem <plane ipsum ex> 
Socraticorum Symposiis et Dialogis et Epistulis exis- 
times hominem multum scitum et facetum fuisse — 
Socratem intelleges Aspasiae discipulum, Alcibiadi 

6. lam si bellum indixti ludo otio satietati volup- 
tati, at tu dormi saltem, quantum libero homini satis 
est. Intensius ad isupremam .... ad luminis 
. . . .?^ An tandem si ignem de caelo nemo sur- 

* From the margin of Cod. 

2 Niebuhr epulonum for Cod. epulorum, Cicero {De Oral. 
iii. 19) says that the Epulones were instituted by the 

^ So Brakman. It would also be possible to read dico eum, 
Num tu . . . Before Socratem three lines are missing. " 

* Query horam diei quom tu lahnrea suscepist% ad luminis 
adventum protrahes t 



5. I say nothing of Gaius Caesar, Cleopatra's keenest 
foe and &ft«rwards paramour, nothing of Augustus, 
the husband of Livia, As regards Romulus himself 
the founder of this city, when he slew the leader of 
the enemy in a l\and-to-hand combat and brought 
the Spolia Opima^ to Jupiter Feretrius, do you 
think he was content with half rations ? Verily 
no hungry or ascetic man could have conceived 
the idea of carrying off grown-up maidens from a 
public festival,^ What ? did not the aged Numa, 
most holy of men, pass his life putting sacred offer- 
ings and tithes to secular uses, and sacrificing bulls, 
sheep, and swine, he the dictator of festivals, the 
inaugurator of banquets, the promulgator of holi- 
days ? I call him a gourmand and a holiday-maker. 
And do you of all men keep your holidays fastiiig ? 
Nor will I pass over your own Chrysippus,^ who used 
to get mellow, so they say, every day in the year. 
And vei-y majiy .... Plainly Socrates himself, as 
you may gather from the Symposia, the Dialogues, 
and the Letters of the Socratics, was a man of 
much shrewdness and wit — the Socrates, mark 
you, who was Aspasia's pupil and Alcibiades's 

6. Now if you have declared war on play, relax- 
ation, good living, and pleasure, yet do sleep as 
a freeman should. (When you have worked) hard 
till the last (hour of the day, will you continue your 
labours) till the dawn ? Prithee, if no one had 

' The choice apoiU taken by a general from the general of 
the enemy slain in single combat. 

' The rape ot the Sabino women. 

 So Ulog, Laart. GhryK. 4. Horace (Ode. 
sayB the same of Fronto's hero Cato, 


Ambr. 219 sed quies nocturna vigilantibus pro somno adhuc ^ 
erat promulgata. Paulatim deinde^ ut sunt ingenia 
hominum inquieta et agitandi et turbandi cupida^ 
noctes diesque negotiis exercebant, horam otio 
nullam impertibant. Turn lovem ferunt, ubi iam 
iurgia et vadimonia nocturna sisti et noctes quoque 
comperendinari videret,^ cum corde suo agitasse de 
suis germanis fratribus unum praeficere^ qui nocti 
atque otio hominum curaret : Neptunum multas et 
graves curas maritimas causatum^ ne fluctus terras 
totas cum montibus obruerent neve motu^ venti 
cuncta funditus percellerent, silvas et sata radicitus 
haurirent ; Ditem quoque Patrem causatum multa 
opera multaque cura templa infera^ aegre coer- 
ceri, amnibus et paludibus et stagnis Stygiis 
Acheruntem aegre commoeniri, canem denique cus- 
todem apposuisse umbris territandis quae aufugere 
ad superos cuperent, eique cani trinas latrandi 
fauces ac trinos hiatus trinasque dentium formidines 


9. Tum lovem deos alios percontatum animadver- 
tisse^ gratiam vigiliae aliquantum pollere ; lunonem 
plerosque partus nocturnos ciere ; Minervam artium 
Arabr. 214 atquc artificum magistram | multum vigilari velle ; 
Martem nocturnas eruptiones et insidias muta re 
iuvare ; Venerem vero et Liberum multo maxime 

^ This word is doubtful. 
* Heindorf for Cod. videat. 



But in lieu of sleep the hush of night had been 
hitherto established for wakeful men. Then, little 
by little, men's disposition being restless and prone 
to action and excitement, they began to employ 
nights as well as days in business, giving not an 
hour to rest. Then they say that Jove, seeing that 
now quarrels and recognizances were fixed for the 
night, and suits were even put ofiT from one night to 
another, took counsel with his own heart to set up 
one of his own brethren to preside over night and 
the repose of mankind. But Neptune pleaded his 
many heavy cares upon the seas, that the waves 
should not ovei^ow whole lands, mountains and all, 
or cyclones in their fury level everything with the 
ground and suck up the woods and the crops by 
their roots. Father Dis too made his plea that 
hardly with immense pains and immense anxiety 
were the nether precincts kept under control, hardly 
was Hades impaled in on every side with rivers 
and marishes and the Stygian fens; that he had 
even set up a watch-dog to terrify any Shades that 
had a mind to escape to the upper air, and had 
given him to boot a triple throat for barking, three 
gaping jaws, and threefold terror of teeth. 

9. Then Jove after question had with other Gods 
perceived that a liking for wakefulness was consider- 
ably in the ascendant ; that Juno called most children 
to birth at night ; that Minerva, mistress of arts and 
artificers, was for much wakefulness ; that Mars by the 
silence of the surroundings aided nightly sallies and 
ambuscades ; that Venus, however, and Liber were by 

' Hauler [Vers. d. Phil. 41, p. 79) reads coorti. 
* Lucr. vi. 141. 



pernoctantibus favere. Capit turn consilium lup- 
{Ater Somni procreandi eumque in deum numerum 
adsciscit^ nocti et otio praeficit eique claves oculorum 
tradit. Herbarum quoque sucos^ quibus corda 
hominum Somnus sopiret^ suis luppiter manibus 
temperavit : securitatis et voluptatis herbae de caeli 
nemore advectae, de Acheruntis autem pratis leti 
herba petita. Eius leti guttam unam aspersit ' sed ^ 
minimam^ quanta dissimulantis lacrima esse solet. 

Hoc, inquit^ mwo soporem hominihus per oculorum 
repagula inriga : cuncti quibus inrigaris iUco post pro- 
cumbent et artubus mortuis immobiles iacebunt, Tum tu 
ne timetOf nam vivent et paulo post, ubi evigilaverint, 

10. Post id luppiter alas non ut Mercurio talares 
sed ut Amori humeris exaptas Somno adnexuit. 
Non enim ie soleis, ait^ et ^ talari omaiu . ad pupulas 
hominum et palpebras incurrere oportet <aut>^ curruli 
strepitu et cumjremitu equestri, sed placide et chmenter 

Ambr. 218 pinnis teneris in modum hirun\dinum advolare nee ut 
columbae alts plaudere. 

11. Ad hoc^ quo iucundior hominibus Somnus 
esset^ donat ei multa somnia amoena ut^ quo 
studio quisque devinetus esset^ aut^ histrionem in 
somniis fautor spectaret^ aut tibicinem audiret^ aut 
aurigae agitanti^ monstraret^ milites somnio vin- 
Cerent, imperatores somnio triumpharent, peregri- 

1 For Cod. aspersisse. Brakman would supply ferunt. 

* Belhrens for Cod. aut. • Heindorf. 

^ For Cod utj and so in the two following cases. 

* For Cod. dgitandi. 


far the most in favour of the nif^ht-wakers. Jupiter 
then made up his mind to beget Sleep^ and enrolled 
him among the Gods^ set him in charge of night 
and repose^ and gave into his keeping the keys of 
men*s eyes. He also mixed with his own hands the 
juice of herbs, wherewith Sleep might soothe to rest 
the hearts of men. The herbs of security and 
delight he culled from the groves of Heaven, but 
the herb of death was sought in the meadows of 
Acheron. Of that death he mingled but one drop 
and that the tiniest, as is the tear of one who would 
hide his tears. 

With this juice, said he, instil slumber into men 
through the gateways of their eyes : all, into whom thou 
dost thus instil it, will thereajler at once fall down and 
lie prone with limbs motionless as though dead. But 
fear thou not, for they will be alive and anon, when they 
awake, will rise again^ 

10. That done> Jupiter furnished Sleep with 
wings, not as Mercury's attached to the ankles, but 
like Love's fitted to the shotHders. For thou must 
not, said he, dash into the eyelids and pupils of men 
with sandals and winged ankles, with the whirling of 
chariots and the thunder of steeds, but fly to them quietly 
and softly with gentle wings like a swallow and not with 
clapping of pinions like pigeons, 

11. Furthermore, tliat Sleep might be the more 
welcome to men, he endowed him with many a 
lovely dream that, according to each sleeper's favour- 
ite hobby, he might — in his dreams — either watch 
an actor and clap him or listen to a flute-player or 
shout advice to a charioteer in his course ; that 
soldiers nyight conquer and generals triumph ^ — in 

* ep. Lucan, Pkars. vii. 7 fF. 




nantes somnio redirent. Ea somnia plerumque ad 
verum convertunt. 

12. Igitur^ Marce^ si quo tibi somnio hinc opus 
est^ censeo libens dormias tantisper dum quod cupis 
quaque exoptas vigilanti tibi optingat. 

J)e Fer. AU. 4 (Naber, p. 230). 

Maoistro meo salutem. 

Modo recepi epistulam tuam^ qua confestim 
fruar. Nunc enim imminebant officia hvcnrapaxTrjrcu 
Interim quod cupis^ mi magister, breviter ut occu- 
patus parvolam nuntio nostram melius valere et 
intra cubiculum discurrere. 

Dietatis his legi litteras Alsienses meo tempore, 
mi magister, quom alii cenarent, ego cubarem tenui 
cibo contentus bora noctis secunda — multum, inquis, 
cohortatione mea <commotus> ! Multum, mi magis- 
ter, nam verbis tuis adquievi saepiusque legam ut 
Ambr. 149: saepius adquiescam. Ceterum verecundia | officii, 
ends ' quam sit res imperiosa, quis te magis norit? Sed oro 
te, illud quid est, quod in iine epistulae manum 
condoluisse ^ dicis ? Illatenus dolueris, mi magister, 
si me compotem voti di boni faciunt. Vale mi 
magister optime, ^iXoo-ropyc ^ av6p(oir€. 

^ Naber for Cod. consoluisse, 

'^ See i. p. 280. Lit. " man of warm affections." 



their dreams'; and wanderers come home — in their 
dreams. Such dreams generally turn out true. 

12. So, Marcus, if you need a dream hereafter, 
I advise you to sleep with a will, until such time as 
what you desire and as you wish it may fall to your 
lot in your waking hours. 

Marcus Antoninus to Pronto 

m J. i' 162 A.D. 

1 o my master, greeting. 

I have just received your letter, which 1 will 
enjoy presently. Por at the moment I have duties 
hanging over me that can hardly be begged off. 
Meanwhile I will tell you, my master, shortly, as I 
ana busy, wha.t you want to hear, that our little 
daughter ^ is better and can run about the bedroom. 

After dictating the above I read the Alsian letters, 
my master, at my leisure, while the others were 
dining and I was lying down at eight o'clock, satisfied 
with a light repast. Much good has my advice done 
yoUy you will say ! Much, my master, for I have 
rested ^ upon your advice, and I shall read it the 
offcener that I may the oftener rest upon it. But 
who knows better than yourself how exacting a 
thing is obedience to duty.f* But what I beseech 
you is that which you say at the close of your letter, 
that your hand pained you. If the Gods are kind, 
my master^ and grant my prayers, you will not have 
suffered pain since. Parewell, my best of masters, 
man of the warm heart. 

* Probably Cornificia. 

* A play on the word. 

c 2 


(Naber, p. 217.) 

De Bello Parthico 

<Ad Antoninum Imperatorem.> 
Ambr. 236, 1. . . . . <qui dcus tan>^[tam gCDuit gentcm 

244 Romanam^ aequo animo patitur fatisci nos interdum 

et pelli et vulnerari. An cunctetur de militibus 

nostris Mars Pater ilia dicere ? — 

Ego quom genui, turn morituros scivi et ei rei sustuli ; 
Praeterea, quom in ten-ae orbem misi ob defendendum 

Sciham me in moriifera hella non in epulas mittere,^ 

Haec verba Telamo Troiano bello de suis liberis 
semel elocutus est ; Mars de Romanis saepe mul- 
tisque in bellis hoc carmine usus est : Gallico bello 
apud Alliam^ Samniti apud Caudium^ Punico ad 
Cannas^ Hispanico apud Numantiam^ lugurthino 
apud Cirtam^ Parthico ad Carrhas. Sed semper et 
ubique aerumnas adoreis terroresque nostros trium^ 
phis commutavit. 

2. Sed ne nimis vetera alte petam, vestrae familiae 
exemplis utar. Traiani proavi vestri ductu aus- 
picioque nonne in Dacia captus vir consularis? 

^ Heindorf. 

^ From Ennius's tragedy Telamon^ quoted alao by Cic. 
Tu8c, iii. 13. Fronto adapts the words of Ennius, which 
are ad Troiam qwym misi oh defendendam Graeciam, He also 
has mortiferum helium, 



On the Parthian War ^ 

To the Emperor Antoninus. 

1. . . . . The God who begat the great Roman 
race has no compunction in suffering us to faint at 
times and be defeated and wounded. Or would 
Father Mars hesitate to say of our soldiers the 
words ? — 

Full well I hietv when I begot you, you would die : 

I reared you for thai end ; 
Aye, when I sent you forth the wide world through the 

empire to defend, 
Full well I knew to deadly wars and not to feasts my 

children I should send. 

These words were uttered by Telamon to his sons 
once in the Trojan war. fiut Mars has spoken of 
the Romans in the same strain many a time and in 
many a war: in the Gaulish war at Allia,^ in the 
Samnite at Caudium^^ in the Punic at Cannae^^ in 
the Spanish at Numantia^° in the Jugurthine at 
Cirta/ in the Parthian at Carrhae.'^ But always and 
every whete he turned our sorrows into successes 
and our terrors into triumphs. 

2. But not to hark back too far into ancient times^ 
I will take instances from your own family. Was 
not a consular taken prisoner in Dacia under the 
leadership and auspices of your great grandfather 

^ The Parthian war broke out soon after the death of 
Pius. Fronto is consoling Marcus for a disaster in Armenia, 
when Severianus the legatus and his legion were destroyed 
at Elegeia in 162 by the Parthians. See also Princ. Hist, 
ad fin. « July 16, 390 B.C. 

• 321 B.C. * Aug. 2, 216 B.C. » 138 B.C. 

* Apparently the defeat of Albinus in 109 B.C. is meant. 
' 52 B.C. 



Nonne a Parthis consularis aeque vir in Mesopotamia 

trucidatus? Quid? avo vestro Hadriano imperium 

optinente quantum militum ab ludaeis, quantum ab 

Britannis caesum. Patre etiam vestro imperante, 

qui omnium principum <felicissimus erat> ^ . . . . 

Ambr. 235, • • | • Si Marso quis patre natus viperas lacertas 

231 and*282 ^t natriccs timeret, nonne degenerasse videretur ^ ? 

.... pauculis diebus in fasciis teneptur^ illi in 

pannis degunt bmnem aetatem.^ 

3. Itaque bonus ille imperator .... venire 
captivos jubebat .... sint ingratiis. Quid ego, 
quippe eui .... Piscibus in caudis est <virtus>,* 
avibus in pennis, anguibus serpendi vi . . . . quod 

Ambr. 228 quis . . . . { et gloriam Romani nominis restituen- 
dam et insidias fraudesque hostium <puniendas>, 
quae comparata .... vendere nugaci .... con- 
sulta sunt tam<en> .... iure meritoque .... 

Ambr. 227 neque .... I vocent paratos progredi remanere, 
porro retro, illic <istic>.^ Haudquaquam utile est 
homini nato res prosperas perpetuo evenire ; fortunae 
variae magis tutae. 

4. Et <magnis firmatus> opibus et omnium quae- 
cumque intenderat sine offensione potitus, <Poly- 
crates>^ nihil in aetate agunda duri aut acerbi 

^ Niebiihr, but perhaps pacatismhus* A lacuna follows of 
not less, as it seems, than a page. 

* From the margin of Codex. 

^ From margin of p. 232 of Codex. 

* Or possibly robur. * Mai. 

* Heindorf, who also suggested ledegisset below. The other 
long insertions are my own, merely to make a readable 
translation possible. They mostly differ from Naber's. Such 
indications as there are in the Codex have been followed. 



Trajan ?i Was not a consular likewise slain by the 
Parthians in Mesopotamia ? ^ Again under the rule 
of your grandfather Hadrian what a number of 
soldiers were killed by the Jews,^ what a number by 
the Britons !* Even in the principate gf your Father, 

who was the most fortunate of princes 

Should we not think the son of a Marsian ^ father 
degenerate^ if he were afraid of vipers, lizards, and 
water-snakes? . . . .^ are kept a few days in 
swaddling bands, the others pass their whole lives in 

3» And • so that excellent emperor ^ . . . . bade 

his captives be sold The strength of 

fishes lies in their tails, of birds in their wings, of 

snakes in their power of crawling 

.... both the restoration of the prestige of the 
Roman name, and the punishment of the enemy's 

traps and treachery, 

call upon those to halt 

who are ready to advance, forward, backward, here, 
there. It is by no means advantageous to a man 
that is bom of woman that prosperity should always 
attend him : changing fortunes are more secure. 

4. Take Polycrates^: strong in his vast wealth, 
and successful without a stumble in all that he 
undertook, he is said in the course of his life to 
have experienced no hard fortune or disappointment, 

• Longinus ; see Dio, Ixviii. 12. 

• Maximus ; • see ibid. Ixviii. 30, and below, Princ, HisL 
ad Jin, * See Dio, Ixix. 14. 

• Not recorded elsewhere ; but see Spart. Vit. Hadr. 5. 

• The Marsians were supposed to have power over snakes : 
see Pliny, N.p. vii. 2 ; xxv. 5, 

• In this gap (Ambr. 231) there Was a reference to the 
Parthians, as we see from a marginal note. 

7 Trajan (?). * Tyrant of Samos, who died 522 B.C. 



expertus esse dieitur^ quin sub inanus quom cuncta 
<redegisset> prorsus <haberetur omnium regum> 
beatissimus. <Cui, ut fertur,> rex Amasis Aegyp- 
tius sapiens fortuna de eximia ^ consultus^ seriptis 
familiaribus litteris suasit semet^ ipsum voluntario 
aliquo damno sciens multaret eoque dolore <deis 
invidis se conciliaret> .... <ille autem aureo> 
habebat <in> anulo manupretib summo^ facie ex- 
imia lapidem smaragdum^ <quam prae ceteris suis 
bonis rebus .... aestimabat>. Eum Polycrates 
anulum nave longa in altum provectus sponte in 
mare abiecit, unde numquam postilla emergeret. 

5. Turn quod sciens sponteque <fecit>* abiectum 
lapidem dolebat. <Sed mox grandem> piscator 
<piscem retibus> saepe <iactis tandem> nactus^ 
indignum duxit ad venales deferre, sed dignitati 
parens regi obtulit. Rex gratum acceptumque 
Aanbr. 222 habuit I s<ibique> apponi iussit : quo iusso piscique 
opera <data> se<rvi> contrectantes <eum> anulum 
in alvo repertum ad regem gaudentes detulerunt. 
Tum Polycrates litteras ordine de casu et postliminio 
anuH perscriptas ad regem Amasim mittit. Amasis 
magnum et maturum malum Polycrati coniectans 
amicitiam hospitiumque renuntiat^ ut alieno potius^ 
suo quam hospiti aut amico fortunam commutatam 
ipse minus aegre ferret. 

* Cod. fortimcUissimis, Heindorf re&dti/ortuncCeperitwuimus, 
'^ Mai. Brakinan says the Codex has semper (?). 

• In the Codex follows suiaragdum. ' * Brakiuan. 



such as to prevent him, when he had brought every- 
thing under his power, being counted the most 
fortunate of all kings. To him, as the story goes, 
Amasis the wise King of Egypt, being consulted 
about his unique good fortune, wrote a friendly 
letter, advising him of his own accord to inflict 
some loss knowingly upon himself, and by that 

penance disarm the envy of the Gods Now 

he had an emerald of extraordinary lustre set in a 
gold ring of the finest workmanship, which he valued 
above all his other possessions. Polycrates putting 
out to sea in a ship of war, cast this ring of his own 
accord into the water, making sure that he should 
never afterwards see it again. 

5. Deliberate and premeditated as his act had 
been, he subsequently regretted the jewel he had 
cast away. But shortly after a fisherman, who with 
repeated casting of his nets had at length caught a 
huge fish, thought it too fine to take to the dealers, 
and in virtue of its excellence presented it to the 
king. The king was much pleased with the gift, 
and ordered it to be served at his own table. When 
the slaves in pursuance of this order were busy with 
the fish preparing it for the table, they found the 
ring in its stomach and brought it joyfully to the 
king. Then Polycrates sent King Amasis a letter 
with full particulars of the sacrifice and recovery of 
the ring. Whereon Amasis, forecasting for Poly- 
crates a disaster signal and speedy, renounced all 
friendship and ties of hospitality with him, that 
when his fortune changed he might regard it with 
less concern as affecting a stranger rather than his 
own guest or friend. 



6. Sed somnium filiae Polycrati iam ante insigne 
optigerat. Patrem suum videre sibi visa erat aperto 
atque edito loco sublimem ungui et lavi lovis et 
Soils manibus. Haribli autem lactam et pinguem 
fortunam portendi eo^ somnio interpretati. Sed 
omne contra evenit. Nam deceptus ab Oroete 
Perse Polycrates captusque in crucem sublatus est. 
Ita ei crucianti somnium expeditum. Manibus 
<enim lovis quom plueret lavabatur, ungixebatur 
Solis^ dum ipse e corpore humorem emitteret>.* 
Huiuscemodi^ exorsus <felices ha>bent <exitum> 
interdum <infaustum>. Non est exultandum nimia 

Ambr. 221 et diutina prosperitate, | nee si quid malae pugnae 
accident defetiscendum. Sed victoriam brevi spera^ 
namque semper in rebus gestis Romanis crebrae 
fortunarum commutationes extiterunt. 

7. Quis ita ignarus est bellicarum memoriarum^ 
qui ignoret populum Romanum non minus cadendo 
quam caedendo imperium peperisse ? legiones nos- 
tras saepe <fusas fuga>^tasque armis barbarorum 
esse ? Quamvis in<festi et>^ truces tauri subigi 
iungendo domarique potuerunt : aeque ac ® nostri 
exercitus olim ^ sub iugum missi sunt. Sed eosdem 
illos^ qui sub iugum egerant^ paulo post ante trium- 
phum nostri egere et captivos sub corona vendidere. 

* For Cod. portendier, ^ Chiefly from Mai. 
^ Mai huius [fabulae] ; Mahly huiusque modi. 

* Alan. * Brakman. * For potv^ere, praequam, 
' For Cod. sili ; Naber illi, 



6. But the daughter of Polycrates had previously 
had a remarkable dream. She had seemed to see her 
father^ raised aloft on an open and conspicuous spot^ 
being laved and anointed by the hands of Jupiter 
and the Sun. The diviners read the dream as 
foretelling a rich and happy fortune. ^ But it turned 
out wholly otherwise. For Polycrates, beguiled by 
Oroetes the Persian, was seized and crucified. And 
so the dream was fulfilled in his crucifixion. For he 
was laved by Jove's hands when it rained, and 
anointed by the hands of the Sun, when the dew of 
agony came out upon his skin. Such prosperous 
beginnings as his have not seldom a disastrous 
ending. There should be no exultation over exces- 
sive and prolonged prosperity, no fainting away 
when a reverse has been sustained. You may 
soon hope for a victory, for Rome in her history 
has ever experienced frequent alternations of 

7. Who is so unversed in military annals as not 
to know that the Roman people have earned their 
empire by falling no less than by felling.'* that 
our legions have often been broken and routed 
by the arms of barbarians? It has been found 
possibly to subject to the yoke^nd to tame buUs^ 
however savage and dangerous ; and in the same way 
our armies have in former times been made to pass 
under the yoke. But those very foes, who forced us 
under the yoke, have our generals but a little later 
forced to march at the head of their triumphs and 
have sold them as slaves by auction. 

^ Periander, the tyrant of Corinth, had a similar dream, 
and Artemidorus. (a writer of the time of Marcus). On 
Dreams, 4, said it signified great honours and riches^ 



8. Post Cannensem cladem Poenus itnperator anul- 
orum aureorum^ quos caesis equitibus Romanls Poeni 
detraxerant^ tres modios cumulatos misit Cartha- 
ginem. Sed non multo post Carthago capta est : 
illis^ qui anulos detraxerant> catenae inditae • sunt. 
In ea pugna Scipio quantum hominum Poenorum 
Afrorumque cepit aut occidit aut in deditionem 
accepit ! Si eorum linguas resecari imperasset^ 
navem onustam linguis Romam inegisset. 
Ambr. 210 9. Quod te vix quic|quam nisi raptim et furtim 
legere posse prae curis praesentibus scripsisti^ fac 
liiemineris et cum animo tuo cogites C. Caesarem 
atrocissimo bello Gallico cum alia multa militaria 
tum etiam duos De Anahgia libros scrupulosissimos 
scripsisse^ inter tela volantia de nominibus declin- 
andis^ de verborum aspirationibus et rationibus inter 
classica et tubas. Cur igitur tu, Marce^ non minore 
ingenio praeditus quam C. Caesar^ nee minus ordine 
insignis nee paucioribus exemplis aut documentis 
fiamiliaribus instructus^ non vincas negotia et 
invenias tibimet tempora^ non modo ad orationes 
et poemata et historias et praecepta sapientium 
legenda sed etiam syllogismos^ si perpeti potes^ 
resolvendos ? 

^ He quotes Marcus's own phrase (see above, Ad Anton, 
ii. 1) in the letter from Minturnae (probably), where Marcus 
lyas trying to get a little respite from the anxieties caused by 
the Parthian invasion of Roman provinces and the disaster 
at Elegeia. 




8. After the disaster at Cannae the Carthaginian 
general sent to Carthage three bushels of golden 
rings heaped up^ which Carthaginians had drawn 
from the fingers of Roman knights slain in the 
battle. But not many years later Carthage was 
taken^ and chains were put on those who had drawn 
off the rings. In that battle what a multitude of 
Carthaginians and Africans did Scipio capture or 
slay or reduce to submission ! Had he given orders 
for their tongues to be cut out, he could have sent 
into Rome a ship freighted with the tongues of his 

9. With respect to what you say that you can 
scarcely read anything except . by snatches and by 
stealth'^ in your present anxieties, recall to your 
mind and ponder the fact that Gaius Caesar, while 
engaged in a most formidable war in Gaul wrote 
besides many other military works two books of the 
most meticulous character On Analogy,^ discussing 
amid flying darts the declension of nouns, and the 
aspiration of words and their classification mid the 
blare of bugles and trumpets. Why then, O Marcus, 
should not you, who are endowed with no less 
abilities than Gaius Caesar, and are as noble in 
station and fortified by no fewer examples and 
patterns at home, master your duties and find time 
for yourself not only for reading speeches and poems 
and histories and the doctrines of philosophers, but 
also for unravelling syllogisms, if you can endure 
so far. 

* Cicero quotes this work (BrutuSy 72) as meaning De ratione. 
LcUine Uquendi. Caesar wrote it while crossing the Alps on 
his way from his winter quarters at Luca, in north Italy, to 
the seat of war in Gaul. 



10. Nunc^ ut orationem istam M. Tulli, quam tibi 
legendam misi^ paucis commendem. Mihi profecto 
ita videtur, neminem umquam neque Romana neque 
Graecorum lingua facundius in contione p6puli 
laudatum qu^m Gnaeus Pompeius in ista oratione 
laudatus est: ut mihi ille videatur non ita suis 
virtutibus ut Ciceronis laudibus Magnus nominatus.^ 
Turn praeterea multa istic reperies praesentibus 
consiliis tuis capita apte considerata^ de ducibus 
Ambr. 215 excrcituum de|ligendis^ de commodis sociorum, tutela 
provineiarum, di<seiplina mili>tum ^ ; quibus artibus 
praeditos esse oporteat imperatores bella et cetera 
ge<'rentes>^ .... tractatus .... quos .... 
intentionem .... consuevi. Ne . , . . velim 
.... quia ego intento maiore vel aliquando re- 
praesentatas has res arbitror profuturas. Velis dum- 
taxat. Et si quis .... quod .... * Neque mihi 
succenseas^ quod non mea manu tibi rescripserim, 
praesertim quom a te tua manu scriptas litteras 
acceperim. Digitis admodum invalidis nunc utor et 
detractantibus ; turn haec epistula multorum verb- 
orum indigebat/ mea autem dextera manus hac 
tempestate paucarum litterarum. 

Ad ArUoninum Imp, i. 1 (Naber, p. 94). 
Vat. 88 ad I MaoISTRO mCO. 

**** * Bonum annum^ bonam salutem^ bouam fortun- 

am peto a deis die mihi soUemni natali tuo^ com- 

^ Ac . 71^71 . . pa;f-\i8 is apparently the reading of the Codex, 
according todu Rieu. The margin of Cod. has cogiwminatua, 

* Buttmann for Cod. de .... turn, Brakman prefers de- 
fendendis, turn for disciplina militum. 

' Brakman. 

* Twenty-six lines are lost. 



10. Now to say a few words in praise of that 
speech ^ of M. Tullius which I sent you to read. It 
seems to me the very truth that no one was ever 
praised either in Greek or Latin before an assembly 
of the people more eloquently than Gnaeus Pom- 
peius in that speech^ so much so that to me he seems 
to have earned his title of Great not so much by 
reason of his own merits as of Cicero's praises. 
Then besides you will find in it many chapters full 
of reflections well suited to your present measures^ 
touching the choice of generals, the interests of 
allies, the safeguarding of provinces, the discipline 
of soldiers, the necessary qualifications .of com- 
manders for duties in the field and elsewhere .... 

because I think that these considerations, even 
occasionally brought forward with greater earnest- 
ness, would be profitable. At all events you would 

wish it ; and if anyone Do not 

be offended with me for not having answered your 
letter in my own hand, and that though the letter 
I had from you was in yours. My fingers just 
now are very weak and refractory ; then this epistle 
required many words, but my right hand is at this 
moment one of few letters. 

Marcus Antoninus the Emperor to Fronto 

r« . 162 A.D. 

10 my master. 
A good year, good health, good fortune do I 
ask of the Gods on this your birthday, a red-letter 

^ Surely the Pro Lege Manilla; but Mai refers it to a 
speech on the Mithridatic War. 

* Bnttm. for Cod. ingerebaL Perhaps multam vim . . . 
ingerebcU would stand. 



potemque me voti fore confido, nam quem sponte 

dei iuvisse volunt et dignum ope sua iudieant^ eum 

commendo benignitati eorum. Tu quom alia laeta- 

bilia^ mi magister^ in tuo animo festo hoc die 

agitabis^. numerato apud te qui te valde diligant : 

in iis primis hunc tuum discipulum ponito^ inibi 

Dominum meum fratrem, iraOtL ^iXovvras o-c avBpui- 

TTovs. Vale, et perennem multis annis bonam 

valetudinem^ mi magister, optine laetissimus in- 

columitate filiae nepotum generi. 

Nostra Faustina reficit sanitatem. PuUus noster 

Antoninus aliquo lenius tussit. Quantum quisque 

in nidulo nostro iam sapit, tantum pro te precatur. 

Vat. 98 Iterum atque iterum ac | porro in longam senectam 

bene vale, iucundissime magister. Peto a te — sed 

impetratum sit — ne te ob diem nafklem Cornificiae 

Lorium vexes. Dis volentibus Romae paucis diebus 

nos videbis. Sed post diem natalem tuum, si me 

amas, nox quae sequitur iam placide quiescas sine 

ullius instantis officii cogitatione. Hoc Antonino 

tuo da soUicite et vere petenti. 

Ad Antoninum Imp. i. 2 (Naber, p. 94). 

Antonino Augusto Fronto. 

1. Seni huic et, ut tu appellas, magistro tuo 
bona salus bonus annus bona fortuna res omnis 

1 Hor. Od. IV. xi. 17. 

* Victorinus, who married Gratia about 160. 



day ^ for me, and I am assured that they will grant 
my prayer, for I commend to their bounty him 
whom the Gods themselves delight to aid and deem 
worthy of their help. You, my master, when other 
joyous thoughts pass through your mind on this 
your festal day, count over to yourself those who 
dearly love you : among the chief of these set this 
your pupil, set the Lord my brother there, both of 
us men that love you passionately. Farewell, my 
master, and may you for many years to come enjoy 
unbroken good health with your daughter,* grand- 
children and son-in-law 2 spared to make your 
happiness complete. 

Our Faustina is recovering her health. Our little 
chick Antoninus^ coughs rather less. The occu- 
pants of our little nest, each as far as he is old 
enough to do so, offer prayers for you. Next year 
and the year after and right on into a long old age, 
most delightful of masters,^ may you have the best 
of good health. I ask of you — and do not refuse 
me — not to take the trying journey to Lorium for 
Cornificia's * birthday. God willing, you' shall see 
us at Rome a few days hence. But if you love 
me, pass the coming night in peace and quiet without 
attending to any business however pressing. Grant 
this to your Antoninus, who asks it with sincerity 
and concern. 

Fronto to Antoninus Augustus. 

1. For this old man and, as you style him, your 
master, good health, a good year, good fortune, 

' Antoninus (Geminus) and Lucius Aurelius Commodus, 
afterwards emperor, were born on Aug. 31, 161. The former 
died four years later. * The daughter of Marcus. 




bona^ quae tu scribis eo^ te mihi ab dels die tibi 
sollemnissimo natali meo precatum^ omnia mihi ista 
in te tuoque fratre sita sunt^ cordi 
dulcissime : quos ego postquam cognovi meque vobis 
transdidi^ nihil umquam prae vobis dulcius habui 
neque habere possum ; tametsi alios annos totidem 
de integro, quantum ^ vixi, vivam. Hoc igitur .unum 
coniunctis precibus ab deis precemur, uti vos in- 
columes et florentes et reipublieae familiaeque vestrae 
prospere potentes aetatem longam degatis. Nee 
quicquam est praeterea, quod ego tanto opef e vel ab 
Vat 97 deis vel a forte fortuna vel a nobis ipsis impetratum I 
cupiam^ quam ut 'vestro conspectu et adfatu ves- 
trisque tam iucundis litteris frui quam mihi diutissime 
liceat; eique ego rei^ si fieri posset^ repuerascere 

2. Nam quod ad ceteras res alioqui adtinet^ sat 
vitae est. • Video te, Antonine, Prineipem tam egre- 
gium quam speravi; tam iustum tam innocentem 
quam spopondi; tam gratum populo Romano et 
acceptum quam optavi ; tam mei amantem quam ego 
volui; tam diisertum quam ipse voluisti. Nam ubi 
primum coepisti rursum velle, nil ofFuit interdum 
noluisse. Fieri etiam vos cotidie facundiores video 

^ Cod. eo. ^ Query quot iam. 

^ So Melito in his Apology (Eus. I£,E, iv. 26, § 7) calls him 




everything good^ which you write you have prayed 
of the Gods for me on this my birthday, above all 
others a red-letter day for you — all these good things 
are in your keeping and your brother's, O Antoninus, 
sweetest joy of my heart : whom, since I have known 
you and given myself up to you, I have ever held 
sweeter than all things, and will so hold you, 
although I live again other years as many as I have 
lived. This one thing, therefore, let all of us with 
joint prayers ask of the Gods, that you may both 
pass long 'lives in health and vigour, exercising your 
power to the advantage of the state and of your 
own households. Nor is there aught else I could 
wish so much to obtain either from the Gods or from 
Fairy Fortune or from yourselves, as that it may be 
my lot as long as possible to enjoy your presence, 
your converse, and your delightful letters ; and to 
that end I am ready, if it were possible, to be a boy 

2.. Otherwise, as far as everything else is con- 
cerned, I have had my fill of life. 1 see .you, Anto- 
ninus, as excellent an Emperor as I hoped ; as just, 
as blameless as I guaranteed; as dear and as wel- 
come^ to the Roman People as I desired; fond of 
me to the height of my wishes, and eloquent to 
the height of your own. For now that you once 
begin to feel the wish again, to have lost the 
wish for a time proves to have been no set-back.^ 
Indeed I see both of you becoming more eloquent 

' About the year 146 Marcus devoted himself more ex- 
clusively to philosophy and neglected rhetoric (see Ad Mar. 
iv. 13, i. p. 216). Later he eschewed it entirely; see Thoxights, 
i. 7 ; i. 17, § 4. But there was rhetoric in his writings, and 
Dio, Ixxi. 35, § 1, says he was *' practised in rhetoric.'' 

D 2 


et exulto quasi adhuc magister. Nam quom omnes 
virtutes vestras diligam et amplectar, fateor tamen 
praecipuum me et proprium gaudium ex eloquentia 
vestra capere. Itidem ut parentes, quom in voltu 
liberum oris sui lineamenta dinoscunt^ ita ego quom 
in orationibus vestris -vestigia nostrae sectae anim- 
adverto — yiyiqOt, hi Kf^piva. AiJto) : meis enim verbis 
exprimere vim gaudii mei nequeo. Nee te recor- 
datio ista urgeat nee omnino angat^ quod tibi con- 
scius es non perpetuam operam eloquentiae dedisse. 
Vat. 92 Nam ita | res habet: qui magno ingenio praeditus 
recta via ad eloquentiam ab principio inductus atque 
institutus fuerit^ tametsi interdum concessarit aut 
restiterit, ubi primum progredi denuo et pergere 
visum erit, coeptum illud iter confeeerit setius for- 
tasse aliquo^ minus tamen nihilo. Crede autem hoc 
mihi^ omnium^ quos ego cognoverim, uberiore quam 
tu sis ingenio adfectum comperisse me neminem : 
quod quidem ego magna cum lite Victorini nostri et 
magna eius cum bile adiurare solebam, quom eum 
adspirare ad pulchritudinem ingenii tui posse ne- 
garem. Tum ille mens Rusticus Romanus^ qui 
vitam suam pro unguiculo tuo libenter dediderit 
atque devoverit, de ingenio tamen invitus et tristis 
aegre concedebat. 

1 Horn. Od. vi. 106 = Verg. Aen. i. 502. 

^ About this time Consul II. Andipraef, urbi. For Marcuses 



every day, and I am elated as if I were still your 
master. For while I love and cherish all your 
merits, yet I confess that I derive my chief and 
peculiar pleasure from your eloquence. Just as it 
is with parents, when in their children's faces they 
discern their own lineaments, so it is with* me when 
in the speeches of either of you I detect marks of 
my school — and glad in her heart was Latona : ^ for I 
cannot express in my own words the intensity of my 
joy. And do not feel compunction at the recollec- 
tion, or be vexed in the least with the consciousness, 
of not having devoted yourself continuously to elo- 
quence. For the fact is that, if a man endowed 
with great natural capacity has been from the first 
brought into and trained in the right way of elo- 
quence, although he have given it the go-by for a 
time or rested on his oars, as soon as ever he resolves 
to make a fresh start and set forward, he will get to 
the end of his journey somewhat less quickly of 
course, but less successfully not a whit. But believe 
me when I say that, of all the men whom I have 
ever known, I have never met with any one gifted 
with richer ability than yourself: I used, indeed, to 
affirm this with an oath to the immense disagree- 
ment of our dear Victorinus and his immense dis- 
gust, when I said that he could not aspire to the 
charm of your natural gift. Then that friend of 
mine, the Roman Rusticus,^ who would gladly sur- 
render and sacrifice his life for your little finger, 
yet on the question of your natural ability gave 
way against his will and with a frown. 

relations with him see Thoughts, i. 17, §§ 4, 6. Soon after 
this letter was writt'en he condemned Justin Martyr and his 
companions to death as Christians. 



3. Unum tibi periculum fuit, Antonine, idem quod 
omnibus qui sublimi ingenio extiterunt, ne in verbo- 
rum copia et pulchritudine clauderes ; quanto enim 
ampliores sententiae creantur, tanto difficilius verbis 
vestiuntur ; nee mediocriter laborandum est ne pro- 
cerae illae sententiae male sint amictae neve inde- 
corius cinctae neve sint seminudae. 

Vat. 91 I Meministi eius orationis tuae, quam vixdum 

pueritiam egressus in senatu habuisti ? in qua quom 
imagine uiriculi ad exempliim accomodandum usus 
esses, anxie verebare ne parum pro loci et ordinis 
dignitate r^v ciicova usurpasses, meque primam illam 
longiusculam ad te epistulam scripsisse qua id, quod 
res est, augurabar, magni ingenii signum esse ad 
eiusmodi sententiarum pericula audaciter adgredi, 
sed quod eo opus esset, tuo te studio et nonnulla 
nostra opera adsecuturum, ut digna tantis sententiis 
verborum lumina parares; quod nunc vides prove- 
nisse et, quamquam non semper ex summis opibus ad 
«loquentiam velificaris, tamen sipharis et remis te 
tenuisse iter, atque ut primum vela pandere neces- 
sitas impulit, omnes eloquentiae studiosos ut lembos 
et celoces facile praetervehi. 

4. Haec ut scriberem productus sum proxima 
epistula tua, qua scripsisti ^^exolescere paulatim 
quaecumque didicisses " ; mihi quid em nunc cum 

^ Perhaps when he entered the Senate as quaestor , but very 
possibly his Caesar- speech. See i. p. 19. 



3. You had^ Antoninus^ but one danger to fear, 
and no one of outstanding ability can escape it — ^that 
you should limp in respect of copiousness and choice- 
ness of words. For the greater the thoughts, the 
more difficult it is to clothe them in words, and 
no small labour is needed to prevent those stately 
thoughts being ill-clothed or unbecomingly draped 
or half-naked. 

Do you remember that speech of yours,^ which 
you delivered in the Senate when scarcely more 
than a boy, in which you made use of that simile of 
a leathern bottle by way of illustration, and were much 
concerned lest you had employed an image little 
suited to the dignity of the place and of a senator ? 
and that first rather long letter ^ I wrote to you, in 
which I drew thp inference — ^and it is a true in- 
ference — that it is a mark of great abilities to 
encounter boldly the difficulties in thoughts of that 
kind, but that by your own application and some 
help from me you would attain what was needed 
therein, the command of luminous expression* to 
match such great thoughts. This you see has now 
come to pass, and although you have not always set 
every sail in pursuit of eloquence, yet you have held 
on your course with topsails and with oars, and 
as soon as ever necessity has forced you to spread all 
your canvas, you are easily distancing all devotees of 
eloquence liloe so many pinnaces and yachts. 

4. I have been prompted to write this by your 
last letter,* in which you said that you were gradually 
forgetting all that you had learnt, but to me it seems 

* The letter printed first in this edition : cp, the reference 
to andaeia. • cp. JDe Eloqu, iii. below. 

' This letter is not in the collection, but cp. i. p. 39. 



maxime florere quae didicisti atque adolescere viden- 
tur. An parum animadvertis^ quanto studio quanto- 
que favore et voluptate dicentem te audiat senatus 
Vat. 82 I populusque Romanus ? Et spondeo^ quanto saepius 
audierit^ tanto flagrantius amabit^ ita multa et grata 
sunt ingenii et oris et vocis et facundiae tuae dele- 
nimenta. Nimirum quisquam superiorum impera- 
torum — ^imperatoribus enira te comparare malo^ ne 
viventibus comparem^ — quisquam illorum his figu- 
rationibus uteretur, quae Graeci arxi^fiaTa vocant? 
Ne longius repetam, vel proximo senatu quom 
Cyzicenorum gravem causam commemorares^ ita 
orationem tuam figurasti — quani figuram Graeci 
irapaX€i\l/iv appellant — ut praetereundo tamen diceres 
et dicendo tamen praeterires. In qua ^ multa simul 
laudanda sunt: prim'um hoc^ te doctissime per- 
spexisse soeiorum graves aerumnas non perpetua 
neque recta aut prolixa oratione exaggerandas^ indi- 
candas tamen impensius^ ut digni senatus miseri- 
cordia et auxilio viderentur ; deinde ita breviter rem 
omnem atque ita valide elocutus es^ ut paucissimis 
verbis omnia quae res posceret, continerentur, ut 
non ocius aut vehementius terra urbem illam quam 
^ Mai for Cod. compararem, ^ For Cod. quo. 

^ These are the technical figures of rhetoric, whether of 
language, such as alliteration, antithesis, etc., or of thought, 
such as rcapdxti^is (= a passing by) here. 



that now more than ever is blossoming all that you 
have learnt and growing to maturity. Or do you 
fail to notice the eagerness^ partiality^ and pleasure 
with which the Senate and the Roman People listen 
to your speeches ? And I go bail for it, the oftener 
they listen the more passionately will they love, so 
many and so ingratiating are the charms of your 
genius, your countenance, your voice, and your 
eloquence. In fact, is there one among former 
Emperors — I prefer to compare you with Emperors 
that I may not compare you with contemporaries — is 
there one who used these rhetorical figures which the 
Greeks call o-xqiiara ? ^ Not to go further back, even 
at the last sitting of the Senate, when you spoke of 
the serious case of the Cyzicenes, you embellished 
your speech with a figure, which the Greeks call 
7rapaX€t</ri9, in such a way that while waiving a point 
you yet mentioned it, and while mentioning it you 
yet waived it. In this speech many things at once 
call for praise: the first, that you most judiciously 
grasped the fact that the heavy trials of the allies 
should not be made too prominent by a continuous 
or direct or lengthy speech upon them, but should 
at the same time be pointed out with earnestness, 
so as to seem worthy of the compassion and help of 
the Senate ; then you set forth the whole case so 
briefly, and yet so forcibly, that all that the subject 
demanded was summed up in the fewest words ; so 
that not more suddenly or more violently was the 
city stirred by the earthquake* than the minds of 

^ The earthquake at Cyzicus is apparently alluded to again 
in the De JSloqtieiitia 1 ad fin. It has a bearing on the date 
of the disputed Letter to the Commune of Asia relative to the 
ChristiaixB (Euseb. H,E. iv. 13 : Justin, Apol. i. ad fin.). 



animos audientium tua oratio movent. Ecquid ad- 
Vat. 81 gnoscis formam sententiae tullianae — | ut non ocius 
aut vehementius terra urbem illam quam animos audien- 
tium tua oratio moverii ? Ut quisque amore quempiam 
deperit, eius etiam naevolos saviatur. 

5. Sed mihi crede amplissiraum te iam tenere in 
eloquentia locum^ brevique summum eius cacumen 
aditunim^ locuturumque inde nobiscum de loco supe- 
riore, nee tantulo supcriore, quanto rostra foro et 
comitio excelsiora sunt^ sed quanto altiores antennae 
sunt prora vel potius carina. Praecipue autem gau- 
deo te verba non obvia adripere^ sed optima quae- 
rere. Hoc enim distat summus orator a mediocribus^ 
quod ceteri facile contenti sunt verbis bonis, summus 
orator non est bonis contentus^ si sint meliora. 

6. Sed haec certo loco ac tempore pluribus vel 
scribemus ad te vel coram coUoquemur. Ut 
voluisti, Domine, et ut valetudo mea postulabat, 
domi mansi^ tibique sum precatus ut multos dies 

' natales liberorum tuorum prospere celebres. Pullo 

nostro tussiculam sedaverit et dies clementior et 

nutrix eius, si cibis aptioribus vescatur, omnia enim 

remedia atque omnes medelae fovendi^ infantium 

Vat. 108 faucibus | in lacte sunt sitae. 

7. In oratione tua Cyzicena quom deos precaveris, 
et si fas est, obsecro addidisti: quod ego me non 

^ m* of the Codex has offendi. Novdk would read off crisis, 

^ Adjoining the Forum. It was where the Romans voted 
by Curiae.  He is referring to Cornificia's birthday. 

' i.e. Antoninus Geminus, see last letter. 



your hearers by your speech. Do you recognize the 
Ciceronian turn of the sentence? — so that not more 
suddenly or more violently tvas the city stirred by the 
earthquake than the minds of your hearers by your speech. 
When a man is deeply in love he kisses*even the 
moles on his beloved's cheek. 

5. But believe me you now hold a most distin- 
guished place in eloquence, and will ere long reach 
its very summit, and speak thence with us from 
higher ground, and not so much higher only as the 
Rostrum is than the Forum and the Comitium,^ but 
as much as the yards overtop the prow or rather the 
keel. But above all am I glad that you do not 
snatch up the first words that occur to you, but seek 
out the best. For this is the distinction between a 
first-rate orator and ordinary ones, that the others 
are readily content with good words, while the first- 
rate orator is not content with words merely good if 
better are to be obtained. 

6. But I will either write to you or discuss these 
matters orally with you more fully at some fixed 
time and place. As you wished, my Lord, and as 
my health demanded, I have stayed at home and 
prayed for you that you might keep many happy 
returns of your children's birthday s.^ The greater 
mildness of the weather and his nurse, if he takes 
more suitable food, will have quieted our little 
chick's^ cough, for all remedies and all curatives for 
throat affections in children are centred in milk.* 

7. In your Cyzicus-speech, when invoking the 
Gods, you added and if it be allowed, I adjure them, a 
use of the word ^ which I do not remember to have 

* See Aul. Gell. xii. 1. 

' Plaiitus uses it {Eud. iii. iii. 32) of supplication to Venus, 
and Festus defines it as opem a sacris petere. 



memini legisse. Obsecrari enim et resecrari populus 
aut iudices solebant. Sed me forsitan memoria fuge- 
rit : tu diligentius animadvertito. 

8. Me^uoque tussicula vexat et manus dexterae 
dolor^ mediocris quidem sed qui a rescribenda longi- 
ore epistula impedierit : dictavi igitur. 

9. Quoniam mentio TrapaXcii/^ecDs habita est^ non 
omittam quin te impertiam quod de figura ista 
studiosius animadverterim^ neque Graecorum orato- 
rum neque Romanorum^ quos ego legerim^ elegantius 
hac figura usum quemquam quam M. Porcium in ea 
oratione^ quae de Sumptu suo inscribitur^ in qua sic ait : 

lussi caudicem prqferriy ubi mea oratio scripta erat 
de ea re, quod sponsionem feceram cum M, Comelio, 
Tabulae prolatae : maiorum benefacta perlecta : deinde 
quae ego pro repvhlica fecissem leguniur. Ubi id utrum- 
que perlectum est, deinde scriptum erat in oratione : 
" Numquam ego pecuniam neque meant neque sociorum 
per ambitionem dilargitus suin" '' Attat, noli noli sari- 
Vat. 107 bere/* ^ inquam " istud *' / nolunt \ audire. Deinde 
recitavit : " Numquam ^ ego praefectos per sociorum 
vestrorum oppida imposivi, qui eorum bona <coniuges>^ 
liberos diriperent.'* "Istud quoque dele ; nolunt audire : 
recita porro/* "Numquam ego praedam neque quod de 
kostibus captum esset neque manubias inter pauculos 
amicos meos divisi, ut illis eriperefn qui cepissent'* 
" Istuc quoque dele : nihil eo ^ minus volunt dici ; non 
opus est recitato.** "Numquam ego evectionem datavi, 
quo amid mei per symbolos pecunias magnas caperent'* 

^ Query recitare, ^ For Cod. num quos, 

^ Eckstein. * Alan for Cod. nihilo. 



read, for it was the people or a jury that used to 
be adjured or conjured ; but perhaps my memory 
plays me false : do you think over it more carefully 

8. I, too, am troubled with a cough, and pain in 
my right hand, not very severe it is true, but enough 
to prevent my writing so long a letter : therefore I 
have dictated it. 

9. Since mention has been made of paraleipsis, I 
must not fail to acquaint you with what I have 
noticed with regard to this figure in a somewhat 
careful search. None of the Greek or Roman 
orators that I have read has used this figure more 
happily than M. Porcius in that speech which is 
entitled On his Expenses} in which he says as follows : 

/ ordered the volume to he produced containing my 
speech on the subject of my having made an agreement 
with M, Cornelius, The tablets were produced : the 
services of my ancestors were read out : then was re- 
cited what I had done for the state. The reading 
out of both these being ^finished, the speech went on as 
follows : " I have -never either scattered my own money 
or that of the allies broadcast to gain popularity," '^Oh, 
dont, dont, I say, record that : they have no wish to hear 
it," Then he read on : " Never have I set up officials in 
the totvns of your allies to rob them of their goods, their 
wives, and the children" '^ Erase that too; they will 
not listen : go on reading," " I have never divided booty 
or spoil taken from the enemy or prize money among my 
select fiends so as to rob those who had won it," ''Erase 
a^ far as that too : they would raiher hear anything than, 
that ; there is no need to read it," *' I have never granted 
a pass to travel post, to enable my friends to gain large 

^ Nothing more is known of this speech. 




Perge istuc qiioque uti cum maxime delere.'* '' Num- 
quam ego argentum pro vino congiario inter appariiores 
atque amicos meos disdidi neque eos malo publico divites 
feci.*' " Enimvero usque istuc ad lignum dele.*' Videsin 
quo loco respuhlica siet, ubi ^ quod reipublicae bene fecis- 
sem, unde graiiam capiebam, nunc idem illud manorare 
non audeo ne invidiae siet. Ita inductnm est malefacere 
impoene, benefacere non impoene licere. 

10. Haec forma 7rapaA.€ii/^€a>9 nova^ nee ab ullo alio^ 

quod ego sciam^ usurpata est. lubet enim leg! 

^ tabulas^ et quod lectum sit iubet praeteriri. A te 

. quoque novum factum^ quod principium orationis 

tuae figura ista exorsus es ; sicut multa alia nova et 

Vat. 90 exi|mia facturum te in orationibus tuis certum habeo^ 

ita egregio ingenio natus es. 

Ad Verum (?) Imp, i. 1 (Naber, p. 113). 

Vat.2(8ome. I <DoMINO meo>2. 
where) 1 

Sit quod iubes rectum fortasse sed serum: neque 
enim omnia^ quae ratio postulate etiam aetas tolerat 
.... An tu cycnum coges in ultima cantione cor- 
Vat. 1 nicum voculas aemulari }^ , . | . . <in>genio dis- 

crepanti iuberesne me niti contra naturam adverso 
quod aiunt flumine.'^ Quid^ si quis postularet^ ut 

^ Haupt for Cod. uti. 

^ For all the first part of this letter see Hauler, MUteil. d. 
kimig. deutsch. archaol. InstUiU, xix. pp. 317-321, and 
Arehiv. f. lot. Lexieographie, xv. 106. 

' These two sentences are from the margin of Codex. 



sums by these warrants,** " Be quick, erase as Jar as that 
loo most particularly.** ^ " I have never shared the money 
for wine-largess between my retinue and friends, nor 
eniichcd them to the detriment of the state.'* ^' Marry, 
erase as far as that down to the wood.** Pray mark the 
pass to which the state has come, when I dare not now 
mention the very services I have done it, whereby I hoped 
to gain gratitude, lest it should bring odium upon me. 
So much has it become the fashion that a man 7nay do 
ill with impunity, but not with impunity do well. 

10. This form of paraleipsis is original and^ as far 
as I know, not employed by anyone else. For Cato 
bids the tablets be read, and what is read he bids 
be waived aside. You also have shewn originality 
by beginning your speech with this figure, just as 
you will, I am sure, do many other original and 
brilliant things in your speeches, so great is your 
natural ability. 

Fronto to Marcus Antoninus (?) ^ 

m T J ? 162 A.D. 

To my Lord. 


What you enjoin may perhaps be right, but it is 
too late : nor indeed does age also permit all that 
reason demands .... Would you make a swan in its 
dying song rival the cawing of crows ? . . . . though 
it is out of keeping with my genius, would you 
advise me to strive against nature and swim, as they 
say, against the stream? What, if one called on 

^ Or, " as quickly as poffeible." 
' * The heading and title to this letter are lost, and its 
attribution is not certain. It reads like a letter to Marcus, 
Naber, following Mai, assigns it to Verus. 



Phidias ludicra aut Canachus deum simulacra fin- 
geret ? aut ut Calamis lepturga ^ aut Polycletus 
chirurga?* Quid^ si Parrhasium versicolora pingere 
iuberet aut Apellen unicolora^ aut Nealcen magnifica 
aut Protogenen minuta^ aut Niciam obscura aut 
Dionysium inlustria^ aut lascivia Euphranorem aut 
Pausiam t<ristiti>a sa<tura> ? ^ 

2. In poetis autem quis ignorat ut gracilis sit 
Lucilius^ Albucius^ aridus^ sublimis Lucretius^ me- 
diocris Pacuvius^ inaequalis Accius^ Ennius multi- 
formis ? Historiam quoque scripsere Sallustius 
structe Pictor incondite, Claudius lepide Antias in- 
venuste, Sisenna longinque, verbis Cato multiiugis 
Caelius singulis. Contionatur autem Cato infeste, 
Gracchus turbulente, Tullius copiose. lam in iudi- 
ciis saevit idem Cato, triumphat Cicero, tumultuatur 
Gracchus, Calvus rixatur. 

3. Sed haec exempla fortasse contemnas. Quid ? 
philosophi ipsi nonne diverso genere orationis usi 
sunt ? Zeno ad docendum plenissimus, Socrates ad 

Vat. 4 coarguendum captiosissimus, Diogenes ad | expro- 

brandum promptissimus, Heraclitus obscurus invol- 
vere omnia, Pythagoras mirificus clandestinis signis 
sancire omnia, Clitomachus anceps in dubium vocare 
omnia. Quidnam igitur agerent isti ipsi sapientis- 

^ Or m^ lepturgcUa for m^ TurenB, 

2 m  Etrusca, cp, duriora et I'uscanicis proxima of the 
works of Gallon, Quint, xii. 10. 7. ' Or sa<.llUa> Hauler. 
* Minton Warren Abiccciics from Varro, H.H. iii. 6. 6. 



Phidias . to produce sportive works or Canachus 
images of Gods^ or Calamis delicate statuary or 
Polycletus rough handiwork? What if one bade 
Parrhasius paUit rainbow hues or Apelles mono- 
chromes^ or Nealces grand canvasses or Protogenes 
miniature ^ ones^ or Nicias sombre pictures or Diony- 
sius brilliant pnes^ or Euphranor subjects all licence 
or Pausias all austerity ? 

2. Among poets^ who does not know how Lucilius 
is graceful,^ Albucius dry, Lucretius sublime, Pacu- 
vius mediocre, Accius unequal, Ennius many-sided ? 
History, too, has been written by Sallust sym- 
metrically by Pictor without method, by Claudius 
pleasantly by, Antias without charm, by Sisenna^ 
at length, by Cato with many words abreast by 
Caelius with words in single harness.^ In harangue, 
again, Cato is savage, Gracchus violent, Tully copious, 
while at the bar Cato rages, Cicero triumphs, 
Gracchus riots, Calvus quarrels. 

3. But perhaps you would make light of these in- 
stances. What? have not philosophers themselves 
used different styles in their speaking ? No one could 
be fuller in exposition than Zeno, more captious in 
argument than Socrates, more ready than Diogenes 
at denunciation ; Heraclitus was obscure enough to 
mystify everything, Pythagoras wonderfully prone 
tp give everything religious sanction with secret 
symbols, Clitomachus agnostic enough to call every- 
thing in question. What, pray, would your wisest of 

^ Hauler says this refers to detailed work and not to size. 

^ Aul. Gell. vii. 14, defines gracilis of style as combining 
venustas and subtililas (= Greek iax^^^)* ^i^d says Yarro 
attributed gracilitas to Lucilius. 

^ As the names go in pairs, the contrast to Sisenna must 
have dropped out, and longivqMe may belong to his vis-a-vis. 

* ForCato's trick of using atqtie . . . atqiie see i. p. 152. 


VOL. 11. E 


simi viri^ si de suo quisque more atque institute 
deducerentur ? Socrates ne coargueret, Zeno ne 
. disceptaret, Diogenes ne increparet, ne quid Pytha- 
goras sanciret^ ne quid Heraclitus absconderet^ ne 
quid Clitomaehus ambigeret ? 

4. Sed ne in prima ista parte diutius quam epis- 
tulae modus postulat commoremur^ tempus est de 
verbis primum quid censeas considerare. Die sodes 
hoc mihi^ utrumne^ tametsi sine ullo labore ac studio 
meo verba mihi elegantiora ultro occurrerent, sper- 
nenda censes ac repudianda ? An cum labore quidem 
et studio investigare verba elegantia prohibes, eadem 
vero^ si ultro si iniussu atque invocatu*meo venerint^ 
ut Menelaum ad epulas^ tu idem^ recipi iubes? 
Nam istud quidem vetare durum prorsus atque in- 
humanum est : consimile ut si ab hospite^ qui te 
Falemo accipiat^ quod rure eius natum domi superfiat^ 
Vat. 8 Cretense postules vel Sajguntinum^ quod — malum ! — 

foris quaerendum sibi atque mercandum sit. Quid 
• • . . Epictetus incuriosus .... Socrates .... 
Xenophon .... Antisthenes .... Aeschines 
.... Plato ^ .... Haud igitur indicarent ea si 
. . . . ' Quid nostra memoria Euphrates^ Dio, Timo- 
crates^ Athenodotus ? Quid horum magister Mus- 
onius? Nonne summa facundia praediti neque 

^ Rob. Ellis for Cod. quidem* 

^ Eleven lines are missing. The names are from the 
margin. * Nine lines are lost. 

» Horn. IL ii. 408. 

' A Stoic philosopher friend of Pliny the younger. He 
committed suicide under Hadrian. 



men themselves do, if called away from their own 
individual habits and principles — Socrates from argu- 
ing, Zeno from disputing, Diogenes from finding fault, 
Pythagoras from sanctioning anything, Heraclitus 
from wrapping anything in mystery, Clitomachus 
from calling anything in question? 

4. But that we may not dwell on this first part longer 
than is compatible with the compass of a letter, it is 
time to consider first what is your view about words. 
Tell me then, pray, whether in your opinion the 
choicest words must be disdained and rejected, even 
if they come to me of their own accord, without 
any toil and pursuit of mine? or, while forbidding 
the searching out of choice words with toil and 
eagerness, do you at the same time bid me receive 
them like Menelaus at the banquet,^ if only they 
come of their own accord, unbidden by me and 
uninvited ? For to forbid that indeed is down- 
right harsh and barbarous. It is as though from a 
host who welcomes you with Falernian wine, which 
being produced on his own estate is abundant at 
home, you should call for Cretan or Saguntine, to be 
got — bad cess to it ! — from elsewhere and paid for. 
What .... Epictetus unconcerned .... Socrates 
.... Xenophon .... Antisthenes .... Aes- 
chines .... Plato .... Would they then not 
indicate this, if ... . What in our own recollection 
of Euphrates,^ Dio,* Timocrates, Athenodotus ? ^ 
What of their master Musonius ? ^ Were they not 
gifted with a supreme command of words, and 

 Of Prusa, called "Golden-mouthed," orator and philo- 
sopher. He died about 117. 

* Fronto's master. 

* A Stoic philosopher under Nero and Vespasian. 


E 2 


^ minus sapientiae quam eloquentiae gloria inclyti 
extiterunt ? 

5. An tu <censes Epictetum non> consulto verbis 
usum fuisse? . . . .^ ne pallium quidem sordibus 
obsitum candido et pure lauto praetulisset. Nisi 
forte Epictetum * arbitrare claudum quoque consulto 
factum et servum consulto natum. Quid igitur est ? 
Tam facile ille .... numquam voluntarias verb- 
orum sordes induisset. Forte et servus. consulto 
natus est sapiens. Sed ita eloquentia caruit pedum 
incolumitate ^ . . . . 

(Naber, p. 139.) 

De Eloquentia 1 

<Antonino Auousto Fronto>. 

Ambr. 404, 1 ^ | vcrborum loca gradus pondera 

427?^ °^ aetates dignitatesque dinoscere ne in oration e prae- 
postera ut in temulento ac perturbato convivio con- 
locentur; quae ratio sit verba geminandi et interdum 
trigeminandi^ nonnumquam quadriplicia^ saepe quin- 
quies aut eo amplius superlata ponendi ; ne frustra 
neve temere verborum strues acerventur, sed ut 
certo ac'sollerti termino uniantur.^ 

2. Post ista omnia investigata examinata distincta 
finita cognita^ verborum omnium^ ut ita dixerim^ de ^ 

^ Four lines are illegible. 

^ From the margin for God. eum tu. 

^ This sentence is from the margin of the Codex. Possibly 
the previous clause, /oW«, etc., is not complete. 

* A column seems to be lost between tne end of the last 
letter and the beginning of this. As Naber points out, the 
order of the various fragments in this mutilated tractate 
cannot be certainlv determined. 



famed as much for their eloquence as for their 
wisdom ? ^ 

5. Or do you think that Epictetus did not use 
words of set purpose ? . . . . would have preferred 
even a mantle foul with dirt to one that was white 
and spotlessly clean. Unless you think perchance 
that Epictetus became lame too of set purpose and 
of jset purpose was born a slave. What then is it ? 
So easily he ... . never would have donned volun- 
tary rags of words. Even a slave by accident he was 
of set purpose bom a wise man. But so eloquence 
was divorced from soundness of feet ^ . . . . 

On Eloquence 1 

Fronto to Antoninus Augustus. 

1 to distinguish between the place, 

rank, weight, age, and dignity of words, that they 
may not be put together absurdly in a speech, as it 
might be in a drunken and confused carouse ; on 
what principles words are to be doubled and some- 
times trebled, on occasion drawn up four deep, often 
carried to a fifth place ^ or even extended further 
than that ; that words be not heaped to no pur- 
pose or at random but be combined within fixed and 
intelligent limits. 

2. When all these have been examined, tested, 
distinguished, defined,, and understood, theii from 

^ All this was surely addressed to Marcus and not Verus. 

2 Epictetus, it is said, was made lame by the cruelty of 
his master. 

' See for an illustration the first two lines of § 2, and cp. 
last letter, § 2, verba muUimga. 

* Schafer prefers ./Enia>t/i*r, 
•* From the margin. 



populo^ sicut in bello ubi opus sit legionem con- 
scribere^ non tantum voluntarios legimus sed etiam 
latentes militari aetate conquirimus^ ita ubi verborum 
praesidiis opus sit^ non voluntariis tantum^ quae 
ultro obvenerint^ utemur sed latentia eliciemus atque 
ad imperandum indagabimus. 

3. Hie illud etiam^ ut arbitror^ scite a nobis com- 
mentandum^^ quibus rationibus verba quaerantur^' ut 
non hiantes oscitantesque expectemus^ quando ver- 
bum ultro in linguam quasi palladium de caelo de- 
fluat ; ^ sed ut regiones verborum et saltus noverimus 
ut, ubi quaesitis opus siet,^ per viam potius ad inves- 
tigandum quam invio progrediamur. 

4. Certa igitur loca sunt a vobis <exploranda>* 
Ambr. 403 | . . In primis oratori cavendum ne 

quod novum verbum ut aes adulterinum percutiat^ 
ut unum et id<em> verbum vetustate noscatur et 
novitate deleetet ^ . . . . castella verborum .... 

coneiliabula verborum* 

Ambr. 402 .... | * Officiorum genera duo, rationes 

* Heindorf for Cod. conventum ; Schafer would read com- 
mentum. ' From the margin of Cod. for diffiuat in the text. 

' For Cod. sit ut : the phrase is from, Plan tus. 

* Heindorf. * From the margin of Codex. 

* These two phrases are separate marginal glosses on the 
left margin of p. 403. 

' The palladium was a supposed image of Pallas that fell 
from the sky at Troy and was carried off by the Greeks. 

^ In this mutilated passage Fronto is speaking of aapientia 
and eloquerUia in connexion with a classification of human 
functions. The officia or essential functions of man are, he 
says, of two genera^ and can be classified under three heads 
{rationes or species). The distinction of the two genera is not 



the whole word-population^ so to speak^ just as in 
war^ when a legion has to be enrolled^ we not only 
collect the volunteers but also search out the 
skulkers of military age^ so when there is need of 
word-reinforcements, we must not only make use of 
the voluntary recruits that offer themselves, but 
fetch out the skulkers and hunt them up for service. 

3. At this point too, as I think, we must seek 
skilfully to find out the methods by which words 
are sought for, that we may not wait gaping open- 
mouthed till such time as a word shall fall of itself 
upon our tongues like a god-send ^ from heaven ; but 
that we should know their haunts and their coverts, 
so that, when we have need of choice words, we may 
follow them up along a beaten track rather than 
have no path to help us forward. 

4. You must therefore scout over definite ground 

First of all a speaker must be on 

his guard against coining a new word like de- 
based bronze, so that each several word may be 
both known by its age and delight by its fresh- 
ness ..... fortresses of words .... assembly- 
places of words Of obligations 2 the 

given in what we have. The three classes are (1) that of 
existence, that a man must exist and perform certain munera^ 
e»g. eat, in order to live ; (2) of quality, he must be such and 
such and have such and such habits and idiosyncrasies; 
(3) of objective or result, the two previous officia enabling 
him to discharge the third. This third class is concerned 
wholly with negotiat work done, and is self-contained. Under 
this comes sajneiUia, Since a man must live before he can 
be wise, a murvusj like eating, is an officium of the wise man, 
though it has no direct connexion with his negotium^ which 
is wisdom. Eating belongs to species prima, which is common 
to all men, but wisdom to species tertia. The pursuit of 
eloquence comes under species secunda, which varies with 
every man. 



tripertitae. Prima species substantiae^ ut sit ; altera 
qualitatis^ ut talis sit; tertia rei^ ut rem ipsam^^ 
cuius causa superiora officia suscepit^ expleat 

Ambr. 401 .... <dis>|cendae exercendaeque sapientiae : 
tertiam autem banc speciem rei dico ac negotiis 
solam terminatam^ se quasi contentam. Hac offici- 
orum partitioned si tamen aut ille verum aiebat^ 
aut ego olim audita memoria retineo^ ut prima 
bomini ad sapientiam tendenti sint molimenta quae 
acL vitam salutemque pertinent conservandam. Igi- 
tur et prandere et lavari et ungui et cetera eiusmodi 
munera sunt sapientis oflicia^ quamquam neque in 
balneis quisquam sapientia <se laverit>, neque ut 
circu<li .... quom> ad mensam cenarit pran- 
dio<que comeso> ^ vomerit, sapientiam ructarit ; 
<nec vitam quidem potes babere ni>si ederis, <nec 
sapientiam> nisi vixeris. Quid igitur istic admon- 
endus es ? Ne tu <negotium> boc <sapientiae in>* 
prandio et mensa situm existimes. Non est sapien- 
tiae negotium vesci : sed sine vita^ quae cibo constat^ 
nulla sapientia^ studia nulla esse possunt. Nunc 
. . , . vides igitur <prima baeo oflicia <omnium 

Ambr. 396 cssc bominum> * , . I at non aeque 

sequentia officia^ quae sunt qualitati cuiusque ac* 

* Por Cod. re ipsa, Niebuhr. 

* Comeso is from the margin of Codex. 
" Heindorf. 

* The additions are by Heindorf. There are seven lines of 
the Codex from nunc to hominum, 



kinds are two, the categories three-fold. The first 
class, of existence, that a man be ; the second, of 
quality, that he be such and such ; the third, of ob- 
jective, that he satisfy the very object by reason of 
which he undertook the foregoing obligations .... 
of learning and practising wisdom : by this third 
class, however, I mean that of objective and that 
which has its end in the work to be done and is, 
as it were, content with itself. By this division of 
obligations, if indeed either he ^ said what was true, 
or I carry correctly in my memory things heard 
long ago, for a man who aspires to wisdom those 
would count as the first things to be taken in 
hand which have to do with the preservation 
of life and health. So dining and bathing and 
anointing with oil and all functions of such a kind 
are obligations of the wise man. And yet neither 
at the baths can anyone lave himself with wisdom, 
nor when he has dined at table with a select com- 
pany, and after the meal had occasion to vomit, will 
he bring up wisdom; but you can neither have life 
unless you eat, nor wisdom unless you live. What 
then is the warning here ? that you should not 
think this business of wisdom to lie in dining and 
the pleasures of the table. The business of 
wisdom is not to eat, but apart from life, which is 
derived from food, there can be no wisdom and no 
pursuits. Now .... you see then that these 

primary obligations apply to all men 

but the second class of obligations which are suited 
to the character of each person, cannot be in the 

* Probably one of Fronto's teachers, e.g. Dionysius or 
Athenodotus, who must have been mentioned in a lost part 
of the letter. 



commodata^^ possunt omnium esse communia.^ Aliud 
prandium gubernatori commune ^ et aliud pugili de 
integris tergoribus ; aliud prandendi tempus^ alia 
lavatio^ alius somnus^ alia pervigilatio. 

5. Considera igitur an in hac secunda ratione 
officiorum contineatur eloquentiae studium. Nam 
Caesarum est in senatu quae e re sunt suadere^ popu- 
lum de plerisque negotiis in concicme appellare^ ius 
iniustum eorrigere, per orbem terrae litteras missi- 
tare, reges exterarum gentium compellare, soeiorum 
culpas edietis coercere, benefacta laudare^ seditiosos 
compescere, feroces territare. Omnia ista profecto 
verbis sunt ae litteris agenda. Non excoles igitur 
id quod tibi totiens tantisque in rebus videas magno 
Usui futurum ? An nihil referre arbitraris qualibus 
verbis agas^ quae non nisi verbis agi possunt ? Erras, 
si putas pari auctoritate in senatu fore Thersitae 
verbis expromptam sententiam et Menelai aut Ulixi 
orationem^ quorum Homerus et voltus in agendo et 
habitus et status et voces canoras ac modulationum 
eloquentiae genera di versa non <dedignatus est 

Ambr. 395 describere> | . . 

6. Quisquam vereri potest quem inridet? quis- 
quam dicto obiJiEidiret cuius verba contempseht. 
Quom in officina Apellis Alexander Magnus de 
picturae arte dissereret, Tace quae nescis, inquit^ ne 

^ The margin of Cod. has secunda species qualiUUis haec est. 

* The margin adds sed diversa sunt et quae communia 
omnibuSf which Heindorf thinks should be neq%i^ com(7ru)d(^ 
omnibus, ^ Keiadorf commodum, 



same ivay common to all. One kind of dinner is 
usual for the man at the wheel, and another off 
the whole chine of an ox for the prize-fighter ; their 
times of dining are different^ their washing is dif- 
ferent, their sleeping, their keeping awake different. 

5. Consider then whether in this second category 
of obligations be contained the pursuit of eloquence. 
For it falls to a Caesar to carry by persuasion neces- 
sary measures in the Senate, to address the people 
in a harangue on many important matters, to correct 
the inequities of the law, to despatch rescripts 
throughout the world, to take foreign kings to task, 
to repress by edicts disorders among the allies, to 
praise their services, to crush the rebellious and to 
cow the proud. All these must assuredly be done 
by speech and writing. Will you not then cultivate 
an art, which you see must be of great use to you so 
often and in matters of such moment ? Or do you 
imagine that it makes no difference with what words 
you bring about what can only be brought about by 
words ? You are ' mistaken if you think that an 
opinion blurted out in the Senate in the language of 
Thersites would carry equal weight with a speech of 
Menelaus or Ulysses, whose looks in the act of 
speaking and their mien and attitude and melodious 
voices and the difference of cadence in their oratory 
Homer did not in fact disdain to describe^ .... 

6. Can anyone fear him whom he laughs at, or 
could anyone obey his order, whose words he 
despised .'^ When Alexander the Great was dis- 
cussing the art of painting in the studio of Apelles, 
Hold your tongue, said the painter, about what you 

1 Horn. //. iii. 212. 




te pueti ilU, qui purpurissum subterunt, contetnnant ^ 
.... Nemo tanta auctoritate est^ qui non^ ubi 
peritia deficit ur^ ab eo qui peritior est^ despiciatur 
.... medebor .... temnor .... mersit* .... 

7. Tibi tanta eloquentia parta est^ quae ad laudem 
Ambr. 394 ctiam supersit .... comi | sese .... nil, ac 

capillus etsi non cotidie acu ornandus, tamen peetine 
Ambr. S93 cotidie expediendus est . • . . | fuisse Croesum et 
Solonem, Periandnim et Polycraten, Alcibiaden 
denique et Soeraten. 

8. Quis dubitat sapientem ab insipiente vel prae- 
cipue eonsilio et delectu rerum et opinione discerni ? 
ut, si sit optio atque eleetio divitiarum atque eges- 
tatis, quamquam utraque et malitia et virtute 
careant, tamen electionem laude et culpa non carere. 
Proprium namque sapientis ofiicium est recte eligere, 
neque perperam vel postponere vel anteferre. 

9. Si me interroges concupiscamne bonam vale- 
tudinem, abnuam equidem, si sim philosophus : nihil 
est enim fas concupiscere sapienti aut adpetere, 
quod fors fuat an frustra concupiscat ; nee quidquam, 
quod in manu fortunae situm videat concupiscet. 
Tamen, si necessario sit alterutra^ res eligenda, 
Achilli potius pernicitatem eligam quam debilitatem 
Philoctetae. Simile igitur in eloquentia servandum : 
non opere nimio concupiscas igitur, nee opere nimio 

^ This whole passage has been restored from the Codex by 
Hauler, Wieji. Stvd. 35, pp. 398 f. For the earlier part 
Mai read inridentius quam dictorum eiits causa havd, the last 
three words being doubtful. 

^ These isolated words are from the margin of Cod. 
(Naber. ) ' Brakman for Cod. altera. 



dont understand, that those hoys yonder who are mixing 
the purple paint may not despise you ^ . . . . There is 
no one, however authoritative, who when his skill 
is at fault is not looked down upon by him who has 
greater skill 

7. You have achieved such great eloquence as is 

even more than enough for fame , 

and hair, though it need not be daily set off with a 
pin, yet must daily be smoothed out with a comb * 
.... Croesus and Solon, Periander and Polycrates, ' 
Alcibiades in fine and Socrates. 

8. Who doubts that a wise man is distinguished 
from an unwise man preeminently by his sagacity 
and choice of things and judgment, so that if there 
be an option and alternative between riches and 
poverty, though they are both of them devoid of 
vice and virtue, yet the choice between them is not 
devoid of praise or blame. For it is the special 
obligation of the wise man to choose rightly, and 
not wrongly put this first or that second. 

9. If you ask me whether I covet good health, I 
should, if I were a philosopher, say no ; for a wise 
man must not covet or desire anything which it may 
be he would covet in vain ; nor will he covet any- 
thing which he sees to lie in the power of Fortune.^ 
Yet were the choice of one or the other forced upon 
me, I would rather choose th^ fleetness of Achilles 
than the lameness of Philoctetes. A similar course 
must be kept in eloquence. You should, therefore, 
not covet it too much or too much disdain it : yet if 

* Pliny gives the story, N. H. xxxv. 36, § 12. 

^ This seems to imply that Marcus's eloquence, great as it 
is, still requires brushing and trimming up. 

• cp, Marcus, Thoughts^ vL 41, etc. . 



aversere : tamen,^ si eligendnm sit, longe longeque 
eloquentiam infantiae praeferas. 

10. Audivi te nonnumquam ita dicentem : at enim 
quom aliquid pulchrius ehcutus sum, placeo mihi ideoque 

Ambr. 400 eloquenttam fu^o» Quin tu potius illud | corrigis 
ac mederis, ne placeas tibi, non ut id, propter quod 
places, repudies ? Nam ut nunc facis, alibi tu medi- 
camenta obligas. Quid tandem? Si tibi placebis 
quod iuste iudicaris, iustitiam repudiabis ? Si place- 
bis tibi pio aliquo cultu parentis, pietatem aspema- 
bere ? Places tibi quom facundus : igitur verbera 
te : quid facundiam verberas ? 

11. Tametsi Plato ita diceret itaque te com- 
pellaret : O iuvenis, periculum est tibi praepropera pla- 
cendi fuga : novissimum namque homini sapientiam 
colenti amiculum est ghriae cupido, id novissime exuitur : 
ipsi ipsi, inquam, Platoni in novissimum usque vitae 
finem gloria amiculum erit. 

Illud autem audisse me memini, pleraque sapientes 
viros, id est in ^ scitis mentis atque consultis, habere 
debere, quorum interdum usu abstineant; itemque 
interdum nonnuUa in usu habere debere, quae dog- 
matis improbent ; ne^ue ubique rationem sapientiae 
rectam et usum vitae necessarium congruere. 

12. Fac te, Caesar, ad sapientiam Cleanthis aut 
Zenonis posse pertingere, ingratiis tamen tibi pur- 

* Heindorf for Cod. turn. 

^ For Cod. id inest, Kluss. reads id instUiUis mentis. 



a choice must be made you would far and far prefer 
eloquence to dumbness. * 

10. I bave heard you say sometimes^ But indeed, 
when I have said something rather brilliant, I feel grati- 
fied, and that is why I shun eloquence. Why not rather 
correct and cure yourself of your self-gratification^ 
instead of repudiating that which gratifies you. 
For acting as you now do, you are tying a poultice 
in the wrong place. What then } If you gratify 
yourself by giving just judgment, will you disown 
justice ? If you gratify yourself by shewing some 
filial respect to your father, will you despise filial 
duty ? You gratify yourself, when eloquent : chas- 
tize yourself then, but why chastize eloquence ? 

11. And yet Plato would tell you this and take 
you thus to task : Perilous, young man, is that hasty 
avoidance of self-gratification, for the last cloak that 
wraps the follower after wisdom is the love of fame, thai 
is the last to he discarded : ^ to Plato, to Plato himself, 
I say, will fame be a cloak to his very last day. 

This also I remember to have heard, that wise 
men must needs have many things — I mean in their 
mental rules and postulates — to which in practice 
they occasionally give the go-by; and occasionally 
also must needs allow in practice some things which 
they cry out upon in their tenets ; and that the 
right rules of wisdom and the necessary practices 
•of life do not everywhere coincide. 

12. Suppose that you, O Caesar, succeed in 
attaining to the wisdom of Cleanthes or Zeno, yet 

^ "The last infirmity of noble mind'': see Plato (op. 
Athen. xi. 507 d), ^trxo-foy rhv rrjs 96^ris x^T^f^a* iy r^ BavJir^ 
avT^ iLiro9v6fi€$a. cp. also Tac. Agr. 9. ; Hist, iv. 6 ; Plut. 
An Seni, etc, 783d ; Lucian, Peregr, 38. 



pureum pallium erit sumendum^ non pallium ^ philo- 

Ambr. 399 sophorum soloci lana. Purpureo | . . 

Cleanthes aqua de puteo extrahenda victum quaere- 
bat ; tibi saepenumero' curandum in theatro crocum 

Ambr. 398 longe atque alte exprimatur ^ I • • 

Diogenes cynicus non modo nullam pecuniam quae- 
sivit sed etiam propriam neglexit .... udaque ea 
.... mensa et . . . . familia tu . . . . famae 
.... Socrate .... sapientior .... alienura 
.... vocalem .... earmina quorundam .... 

Ambr. 397 13 <dei> | immortal es siiint comitium et 

rostra et tribunalia Catonis et Gracchi et Ciceronis 
orationibus celebrata hoc potissimum saeculo conti- 
ciscere ? orbem terrae quem vocalem acceperis, 
mutum a te fieri ? Si linguam quis uni homini exse- 
cet^ immanis habeatur ; eloquentiam humano generi 
exsecare mediocre facinus putas? Num^ hunc ad- 
numeras Tereo aut Lycurgo? qui Lycurgus quid 
tandem^ mali facinoris admisit^ quom vites ampu- 
tavit? Multis profecto gentibus ac nationibus pro- 
fuisset vinum undique gentium exterminatum. Ta- 
men Lycurgus poenas caesarum vitium luit. Quare 
metuendam censeo divinitus poenam eloquentiae 
exterminatae. Nam vinea in unius tutela dei sita : 
eloquentiam vero multi in caelo diligunt: Minerva 
orationis magistra^ Mercurius nuntiis praeditus^ 

^ The margin of Cod. gives, as epithet of pallium, con- 
SMcidum = wool newly shorn. 

^ From the margin of Cod. So also the next sentence and 
the succeeding fragments. 

' For Cod. now. • The margin has tamen, 



against your will ^ you must put on the purple eloak^ 
not the philosopher's mantle of coarse wool. Purple 

Cleanthes gained his livelihood by 

drawing water from a well ; you have often to- see that 
saffron- water is sprinkled broadcast and high in the 

theatre ^ Diogenes the Cynic not 

only earned no money but took no care of what 
he had 2 

13. What, will the Immortal Gods allow the Comi- 
tium and Rostra and tribunals, that echoed to the 
speeches of Cato and Gracchus and Cicero, to be 
hushed in this age of all others .f* the wide world, 
which was vocal when you received it, to become 
dumb by your doing ? If one cut out the tongue of 
a single man, he would be deemed a monster ; to cut 
eloquence out from the human race — do you think 
that a trivial crime ? Do you rank the doer of this with 
Tereus and Lycurgus ? and this Lycurgus, what evil 
deed pray did he commit when he lopped the vines .'' 
It had surely been to the benefit of many a race and 
nation had the vine been extirpated from the face 
of the earth. Yet Lycurgus paid dear for his felled 
vines. Wherefore I hold that the extirpation of 
eloquence must fear vengeance from Heaven. For 
the vine is placed under the patronage of one God, 
while eloquence is the delight of many a denizen of 
Heaven — Minerva the mistress of speech, Mercury 

' See Capit. Vil. Mar. v. 3, and Marcus, TTwiights, v. 16 ; 
vi. 12. 

* For this custom see Pliny, N. H. xxi. 6. 

• This may have been followed by some such sentence as 
' * but you will have to provide for the finances of the state 
and see that they are husbanded." 




Apollo paeanum auctor. Liber dithyramborum 
cognitor, Fauni vaticinantium incitatores, magistra 
Homeri Calliope, magister Ennii Homerus et 

14. Turn si studium philosophiae in rebus esset 
solis oceupatum, minus mirarer, quod tanto opere 
verba contemneres. Discere te autem ceratinas et 

Ambr. 892 sorttos et pseudomehtiSy verba contorta | et fidicularia, 
neglegere vero cultum orationis et gravitatem et 
maiestatem et gratiam et nitorem, hoc indicat loqui 
te quam eloqui malle, murmurare potius et friguttire 
quam clangere. Diodori tu et Alexini verba verbis 
Platonis et Xenophontis et Antisthenis anteponis? 
ut si quis hi«trioni studiosus Tasurci gestu potius 
quam Roseii uteretur; ut si in natando, si aeque 
liceret, ranam potius quam delphinos aemulari 
mallet, coturnieum potius pinnis breviculis quam 
aquilarum maiestate volitare? 

15. Ubi illud acumen tuum ? Ubi subtilitas ? 
Evigila et attende, quid cupiat ipse Chrysippus. 
Num contentus est docere, rem ostendere, definire, 
explanare? Non est contentus: verum auget in 

^ See i. p. 94, and cp. Hor. Ep. ii. i. 52, somnia Pytha- 

2 It is by DO means clear that Marcus despised words, but 
he did despise dialectics ; see Thoughts, i. 7 ; vii. 67 ; viii. 1. 

• ** Have you lost your homa? " If " yes,*' then you had 
horns ; if " no," then you still have them. 

* " How many grains make a heap ?" Do two, or three, or 
what exact number ? As heap is an indefinite term, the 



the controller of messages^ Apollo the author of 
paeans^ Liber the defender of dithyrambs, the Fauns 
inspirers of prophecies. Calliope the instructress of 
Homer, Homer the instructor of Ennius, and Sleep.^ 

14. Again, if the study of philosophy were con- 
cerned with practice alone, I should wonder less at 
your despising words ^ so much. That you should, 
however, learn horn-dilemmas,^ heap-fallacies,^ liar- 
sifllogisms,^ verbal quibbles and entanglements,® while 
neglecting the cultivation of oratory, its dignity and 
majesty and charm and splendour — this shews that 
you prefer mere speaking to real speaking, a whisper 
and a mumble to a trumpet-note. Do you rank the 
words of Diodorus and Alexinus'' higher than the 
words of Plato and Xenophon and Antisthenes } as 
though anyone with a passion for the stage should 
copy the acting of Tasurcus rather than Roscius ; as 
though in swimming, were both possible, one would 
choose to take pattern by a frog rather than by a 
dolphin, and flit rather on the puny wings of quails 
than soar with the majesty of an eagle.. 

15. Where is that shrewdness of yours? where 
your discernment ? Wake up and hear what Chry- 
sippus himself prefers. Is he content to teach, to 
disclose the subject, to define, to explain.'^ He is 
not content : but he amplifies as much as he can, 

answer cannot be given in any definite number of grains. 
See Hor. Ep. ii. i. 47, Mtcsus ratione mentis acervi. 

® ** If a' man says he is lying, is he lying or speaking the 

For these fallacies see Diog. Laert. EuclideSf iv., and 
Zeller, Socrates, ch. xii. 

• Lit. twisted, or intricate, and entangling. 

^ A captious disputant who made use of the horn-dilemma. 
Cicero mentions him with Diodorus, and speaks of his con- 
torta sophismcUa, 


F 2 


Ambr. 391 

quantum potest^ exaggerate praemunit^ iterate diiFert^ 
recurrit, interrogate deseribit, dividit^ personas fingit, 
orationem suam alii accommodat : ravra Se ia-Tiv 
av(€LV, 8ta(rK€vaf€tv, i^epyd^taOaiy ttoXiv Acyctv, cTrava- 
<f>€p€iVf TrapdirT^LV,^ TT/oocrcoTroToictv. 

16. Videsne ab eo paene omnia oratorum arma 
tractari? Igitur si ipse Chrysippus his utendum 
ostenditj^ quid ego amplius postulo^ nisi ut ne verbis 
dialecticorum sed potius Platonis <eloquentia 
utaris>? . . | . . 'gladio dimicandum esse contra 
.... sed interest robiginoso an splendido <gladio>^ 
.... Epictetum .... sedentem .... <in 
sel>la placebat .... si ausus esset^ epitaphium 
.... aut .... ilium lau<de sum>ma pertu- 
lisset* .... ira ... . sub umbra .... <ni>hil 
umquam <opi>nionis .... tot et .... Si 
us<quam> .... Anaxagorae non Alexini syco- 

Ambr. 390 phantae auditor .... conamen | . . 

17. Tragicus Aesopus fertur non prius ullam suo 
induisse capiti personam^ antequam diu ex adversQ 
contemplaret^ ut pro personae voltu gestum sibi 
capessere ac vocem^ <adsimulare posset> .... 
stillicidiis .... An maiorem <rem> tragoediam 
putas Amphiaraum seribere quam de terrarum biatu 
dicere ^} . . . . tu de fulmine disputas .' . . J 

^ Mai for Cod. vapaiirtiv, Buttm. prefers vapaivuv. 
Greek words may have fallen out. 
*-* For Cod. osiendiset. 
3 From the margin of Cod. 
* Ibid. » Ibid. • Ibid. 

'Six lines lost. 




he exaggerates^ he forestalls objections, he repeats, 
he postpones, he harks back, he asks questions, de> 
scribes, divides, introduces fictitious characters, puts 
his own words in another's mouth : those are the 
meanings of aiUfciv, SiacKcva^eiv, cfcpyafco-^at, iraXiv 
Aeyctv, €7rava<^€peiv, TrapaTrrctv, -Trpoo-cuTroTTOtctv.-^ 

16. Do you see that he handles almost all the 
weapons of the orator? Therefore if Chrysippus 
himself has shewn that these should be used, what 
more do I ask, unless it be that you should not 
employ the verbiage of the dialecticians but rather 
the eloquence of Plato? .... A sword must be 
used in fight against (opponents), but it matters 
much whether the blade be rusty or burnished 

.... Epictetus . 

if he had dared, an epitaph ^ 

carried through with the greatest credit .... 

If anywhere .... a disciple of 

Anaxagoras not of the sycophant Alexinus ^ , . . . 

17. The tragedian Aesopus is said never to have 
put on a tragic mask without setting it in front of him 
and studying it a long time that he might conform his 
gestures and adapt his voice to the face of the mask 

or do you think it a greater 

task to write the tragedy Amphiaraus * than to speak 
on the subject of an earthquake ? . . . . you argue 
about a thunderbolt .... 

^ These words mean to amplify, divide, treat fully, recapitu- 
late, hark back, make the application, introduce characters. 

2 The epitaph of Epictetus was : 1 Epictetus was by 
name | Who now lie here, | As Irus poor, a slave, and 
lame I And to the Immortals dear. 

' i.e. Pericles. See Cic. De Oral. iii. 34; OraL iv. 15. 

* He was swallowed up by an earthquake, while trying to 
escape from the disastrous expedition against Thebes. There 
seems to be a reference to the Cyzicus earthquake in 162. 



18. Dabit philosophia quod dicas^ dabit eloquentia 

qu<omodo dicas> .... <nam si quis> ^ dialecti- 

corum verbis scribat, suspirantem, tussientem immo 

lovem scripserit, non tonantem. Para potius oratio- 

Ambr. 889 : nem dignam sensibus^ quos e philosophia hauries, et 

the last of . v .. . 

Quat. xxvii. quanto nonestius sentias^ tanto augustius dicas. 
Quin erige te et extolle, et tortores istos, qui te 
ut abietem aut alnum proceram incur vant et ad 
chamaetorta ^ detrahunt, valido cacumine tuo exeute, 
et tenta an usquam ab <optima via> discesseris. 
Sed comitem philosophiae <eloquentiam adscisce et 
istos>^ sermones gibberosos retortos <abice quos> 
. . .' . * si tenueris, contemnas ; quom contempSeris, 
nescias. Die, obsecro, mihi de dialecticis istis ecquid 
tenes ? Ecquid tenere te gaudes ? Nolo mihi dicas : 
apud te ipse reputa. Ego illud praedico, quom 
plurimos amicos in hac disciplina tenueris . . . .^ • 

(Naber, p. 148.) 

De Eloquentia 2 

< Anton iNo Augusto Fronto>. 

Ambr. 380 : 

begins nuUius ante, nisi unius Gaii Sallusti, trita solo, sensuni 

dictu periculosum et paene opstetricium pulcherrimo 

* Heindorf. ^ Niebuhr prefers chamacstrota. 
^ Heindorf : also ahice quos. 

* Thirteen lines are lost. 

* There is a gap, says Naber, of 32 pp. between tenueris 
and nulliics, 



18. Philosophy will tell you what to say. Eloquence 
how to say it^ . . . . For, using the language of 
dialecticians, a writer would speak of a Jove sighing, 
nay rather wheezing, not thundering. Provide your- 
self rather with speech worthy of the thoughts you 
draw from philosophy, and the more noble your 
thoughts, the more impressive will your utterance 
be. Nay, lift yourself up and stand upright, and 
shake off with your strong top those tree-twisters 
who are bending you down, like a fir or stately alder, 
and lowering you to the level of stunted bushes, 
and make trial whether you have anywhere swerved 
from the right way. But summon Eloquence, the 
handmaid of philosophy, and cast away those crooked, 
twisted modes of speech .... which if you took 
them in, you would despise, and ignore when you 
have despised them. Tell me, I pray you, do you 
take anything in from your dialectics? are you 
proud of taking in anything ? You need not confess 
to me, but think it over with yourself. I prophesy 
this,' though you have kept many of your friends 
loyal to this teaching .... 

On Eloquence 2 

Fronto to Antoninus A ugustus. 

in a field previously trod by the foot of no one '^ save 
Gaius Sallustius alone, you brought to light in a 
most choice dress and a most becoming setting a 

^ The position of this sentence is not certain. Brakman 
says it comes two sentences lower down. 
'^ Lucr. i. 925. 



cultu et honestissinio omatu protulisti. Euc^pavas^ 
vw€p€vi^pava^, aoi^co fjtot. Quod librari manu epistula 
scripta est, a lal)ore gravi digitis consului qui sunt iam 
in suspicione. 

(Naber, p. U9.) 

De Eloquentia 3 

Antonino Augusto Pronto. 

1. Quid .... scrutetur qua .... propera 
.... neque balbam virginem, quae vestalis sit, 
capi fas est, neque sirbenam^ .... [verba de 
balbutientibus ponenda varie] ^ . . . . minus .... 
Imlbutientium vox his ferme verbis significatur : vox 
impediia, vox vincta, vox difficiUs, vox trunca^ vox 
imperfeciUy vox absona. His contraria quaerenti tibi 
subvenisse certum habeo, vox expeditoy^ vox absoluta, 
Mwhr. aso vox fhniis, vox intcgra, vox lenis,^ Tua vox .... 
Iiirnkumn; vore .... his omnibus .... quibus vocabulis 
. « w wiyn ,|pp^ii^.,j|;m. sirbeni percensio sit | ... . 

A\\\W, a74 i>. I Voois modulatae amatores primas audisse fer- 
untur Hves vernas luco opaco. Post pastores recens 
repertis fistulis se atque pecus oblectabant. Visae 
Hstulae longe avibus modulatiores ^ 

A»o»j\878 uuirnuirnntium | voculis in loco^ eloquentiae oblec- 

^ Fn)in the margin of the Codex. 

^ [bid, : possibly only a gloss. ^ m^ eximia. 

* For the restoration of this passage see Hauler, JVien. Skid. 
xxii. The contrary to imperfecUi seems to have dropped out. 

• The above are from the margin. The rest of Ambr. 374 
is illegible. ^ Margin luco, 



meaning hard to express and needing almost a mid- 
wife's aid. You have given me joy, you have over- 
joyed me, may you be preserved to me. In having 
this letter written by my secretary I have saved my 
fingers from a heavy task,^ as they are not at present 
to be trusted. 

On Eloquence 3 

? 162 A.D. 

Pronto to Antoninus Augustus. 

1 Neither a 

virgin that lisps may be chosen as a Vestal nor 
one that speaks indistinctly ^ . . . . Words descrip- 
tive of stammerers to be variously employed .... 
the utterance of stammerers is generally described 
as follows : an impeded utterance, a tied utterance, 
a laboured, a defective, an imperfect, a discordant 
utterance. The contraries of these have, I doubt 
not, already rewarded your search : a free utterance, 
a distinct, an easy, a perfect, a smooth utterance. 

Your utterance A survey 

of all the terms applied to indistinct speakers .... 

2. The lovers of melodious utterance are said to 
have listened first to the birds in a shady covert. 
Next shepherds delighted themselves and their 
flocks with the newly-invented pipes. Pipes seemed 
far more melodious than birds .... they take 
delight by way^ of eloquence in the soft notes of 

* A great part of this letter lias obviously been lost. 

2 See Aulus Gelliu8,-i. 12. This paragraph seems rather 
out of place. It has much affinity with the similar passage 
in De Orationibus^ ad. med. below. 

^ Reading livco, we must translate " of whisperers, or 
warblers, in the grove of eloquence." 



tantur. Ennium deinde et Accium et Lucretium 
ampliore iam mugitu personantes tamen tolerant. 
At ubi Catonis et Sallustii et Tullii tuba exaudita, trepidant et pavent et fiigam frustra medi- 
tantur. Nam illic quoque in philosophiae disciplinis^ 
ubi tutum sibi perfugium putant^ Platonis phone- 
mata erunt audienda. 

3. Haec in eos fabula competit, qui nulla indole 
praediti eloquentiam desperantes fugitant. Tibi, 
Caesar, ut cui maxime, sublime et excelsum et 
ampliiicum ingenium ab deis datum est. Nam 
primi tui sensus et incunabula studiorum tuorum 
mihi cognita sunt. Elueebat iam tune nobilitas 
mentis et dignitas sententiarum, quibus sola turn 
deerant verborum lumina : ea quoque variis exercita- 
tionibus instruebamus. 

4. Ibi tu mihi videre mor<e iuven>ali et laboris 
taedio defessus, eloquentiae studium reliquisse, ad 
philosophiam devertisse, ubi nullum prohoemium 
cum cura excolendum, nulla narratio breviter et 
dilucide et callide collocanda, nullae quaestiones 
partiendae, nulla argumenta quaerenda, nihil ex- 

Ambr. 378 aggerandum . . . ^ . . | . . [mutilum perficere, 
hiulcum fartis iugare] .... consiliario huic magis 
aetati opus est quam auxiliario <amico>^ .... 
mutilum perficere, hiulcum explere, asperum levi- 
gare2 , . . . 

* From the margin of Cod. ; c]). Plaut. Triic, ii. i. 8. 
« WUn. Stud, 23, p. 338, Hauler, 



mutterers. Anon they nevertheless put up with 
Ennius and Accius and Lucretius^ resonant now with 
a fuller bass. But when the trumpet of Cato and 
Sallust and TuUius is heard upon the air^ they are 
excited and affrighted and bethink them of flighty 
vainly, for even there in the teachings of Philo- 
sophy, where they think they have a safe refuge, the 
resonant periods of Plato will have to be heard. 

3. This little story ^ applies to those who having 
no aptitude for it, shun eloquence in despair. But 
to you, O Caesar, if ever to man, has been given by 
the Gods a sublime and lofty and splendid genius ; 
for your earliest thoughts and the infancy of your 
studies came under my ken. From the very first 
there was no hiding your nobility of mind and the 
dignity of your thoughts : they wanted then but one 
thing, the illumination of words : that too, we were 
providing by a varied course of study. 

4. At this point, in the manner of the young and 
from a dislike of drudgery, you seem to have 
deserted the pursuit of eloquence, and to have 
turned aside after philosophy,^ in which there is no 
exordium to be carefully elaborated, no marshalling 
of facts concisely and clearly and skilfully, no 
dividing of a subject into heads, no arguments to be 
hunted for, no amplification • . . to com- 
plete what is imperfect, to fill up gaps with padding 
.... this age requires a friend for counsel rather 
than for help .... to complete what is imperfect, 
to fill up a hiatus, to make rough places smooth 

* The evolution of eloquence just given. 
 See i. p. 217, Ad M. Cues, iv. 13, and cp^ Thoughts, i. 7 
and 17, §4. 



Ambr. 877 5. | Nonne omnes oratorum copias sectabare,^ 
refiitandi soUertiam, augendi facultatem, eludendi 
venustatem, permovendi delectandique, deterrendi 
incitandique, hortandi ^ conciliandi, inflammandi ^ 
laxandi audientium aiiimos aut alliciendi^ rectam 
quandam in dicendo potentiam ac potestatem ? 

Turn si quando tibi negotiis districto perpetuis 
orationis conscribundae tempus deesset, nonne te 
tumultuariis quibusdam et lucrativis studiorum sol- 
aciis fulciebas, sjmonymis colligendis, verbis inter- 
dum singularibus requirendis ? ut veterum commata^ 
ut* cola, synonymorum ratione converteres, ut de 
volgaribus elegantia, de contaminatis nova redderes, 
imaginem aliquam aceommodares, figuram iniceres, 
prisco verbo adornares, colorem vetusculum appin- 
geres. Haec si propterea contemnis, quia didicisti, 
philosophiam quoque discendo contemnes. 

6. Sed non. ea sunt ista quae possis contemnere : 
possis sane non amare. Ut olim Crassus tristis 
risum oderat, ut nostra hie memoria Crassus lucem 
fugitabat; ut nostra ibidem memoria vir consularis 
campos formidabat, Pomptinum Campum multaque 

Ambr. 386 loca clausa lecticula praetervehebatur ^ | 

, . an tibi saepe .... supersit .... tamen si 
dixisses nonnumquam .... satis consuluisses 
.... modum.* Virum etiam saepe vir sapientissi- 

^ Niebuhr for Cod. sectaverc. • Beltrami for Cod. ornandi. 
' Niebuhr for Cod. infamandi. 

* Margin et cola synonimonim. 

* The last five words from the margin of the Codex. 

? The lost passage was on Friendship, as we learn from 
a marginal note. 



5. Were you not eager for all the resources of 
orators, their adroitness in refuting, their talent for 
amplifying, their charm in evasion, and I know 
not what kind of downright power and potency, 
that lies in speaking, of moving and delighting, of 
deterring and provoking, of exhorting, of conciliat- 
ing, of inflaming, of calming the minds of hearers 
or alluring them ? 

Then if on occasion hindered by perpetual busi- 
ness you had no time to compose a speech, did you 
not fortify yourself with certain hurried yet valu- 
able recreations in the way of study, by collecting 
synonyms, at times by searching out remarkable 
words ? so as to turn the periods of old writers and 
their clauses by the system of synonyms ^ ; to render 
refined what was vulgar, and fresh what was soiled, 
fit in some image, throw in a figure, embellish with 
a good old word, add a patina of age. If you de- 
spise all this only because you have learnt it, you 
will also despise philosophy in the learning. 

6. But these are not things which you could 
despise : dislike them of course you might. As in 
old days a morose Crassus ^ hated laughter, as in our 
time here a Crassus^ hid from the daylight, and 
again in our time a man of consular rank had 
a horror of plains, and traversed the Pomptine 
plain and many other places with his litter closed 

But often even the 

wisest of men does not know how to speak in a 

' i.e. apparently paraphrasing old writers by using synony- 
mous but more striking expressions. 

• The grandfather of Crassus the triumvir, called iyc- 

^ Probably Crassus Frugi, Spart. Vit. Hadr. 5. 




mus .... <eloqui> nescit novo plane modo. Sed 
ita res tulerunt , . . . de puteo quoque. Puteus 
Ambr. 385 istic minus sorderet .... <senten>|tias inopina- 
tas, aliis <quidem novas et prius in>tactas. Tanto 
maius periculum sententiis inest, nisi figurationibus 
moderatis temperantur. Graecis verbis fortasse 
apertius significabo : ra Kaiva koL 7rapdSo$a twv IvOv- 
firjfjLanav ci . . . . <€r>7r€v avra irXa .... <C€L>7r€v 
rj iriOava .... Hoc ego animo .... nullis 
rationibus .... liber quern misti ^ rarus. Scias igi- 
tur in hoe uno eximiam eloquentiam tuam claudere. 

7. Moneo igitur Marcum meum etiam atque etiam^ 
et ut meminerit obsecro, quotienscumque aSo^orepov 
ivOvfirffia conceperis, volvas illud tecum 2 et diversis 
et variis figurationibus verses temptesque et verbis 
splendidis excolas. Nam quae nova et inopinata 
audientibus sunt^ periculum est nisi ornentur et 
figurentur ne videantur absurda. 

8. Cetera omnia tibi in eloquentia expolita et ex- 
planata^ sunt. Scis verba quaerere, scis reperta rect'e 
collocare, scis colorem sincerum vetustatis appingere, 
sententiis autem gravissimis et honestissimis abun- 

Ambr. 376 das . , , .*<pri>|ma conditio est; ubi semel pate- 
factae sunt, facile cognitae negleguntur. Contemni 
denique et nuUo honore ' esse rhetora videas ; obser- 
vari autem et omnibus officiis coli dialecticos, quod 

^ Hauler's reading. Mai and Brakman saw mire in the 
margin. '^ Heindorf for Cod- temet. 

^ This is Mai's reading. Niebuhr prefers expcdita. 

* Neither Mai nor Naber tell us the extent of the lacuna 
here, but Mai follows it with the passage which Naber puts 
first in his De Uloquentia 1. 



style obviously new. But circumstances have so 

a well there would sound less vulgar 

.... thoughts unexpected, to others indeed ^ new 
and previously unused. So much greater peril is 
there in thoughts if they are not qualified with 
figures of speech sparingly used. I can perhaps 
express my meaning more clearly in Greek words : ra 
Kaiva Koi Trapa^o^a Ta>v ivOvfirjfidTtav ^ 

the book which you 

sent a scarce one. Know then that in this one 
point your eloquence limps, splendid as it is. 

7. I warn you, therefore, again and again, my 
Marcus, and beseech you to remember, as often as 
you conceive in your mind a startling thought, 
think over it with yourself and turn and try it with 
various figures of speech and dress it out in splendid 
words. For there is a danger that what is new to 
the hearers and unexpected may seem ridiculous 
unless it be embellished and made figurative. 

8. All else in eloquence are for you smoothed 
and made clear. You know how to search out 
words, you know how to arrange them correctly 
when found, you know how to invest them with 
the genuine patina of antiquity, and you Have an 
abundance of the weightiest and noblest thoughts 
. • • • is the first essential; as soon as they 
have beeii exposed they are easily known and dis- 
regarded. In a word,, you could see that the 
rhetorician is despised and of no account, while 
the dialecticians are courted and treated with 

1 "New and startling thoughts." Fronto urges Marcus 
to aim at striking and unconventional ideas, but to be care- 
ful that they should be toned down by their setting, so as 
not to strike the hearers as bizarre. 




in eorum rationibus semper obscuri aliquid et tor- 
tuosi <sit>, eoque fit ut magistro discipulus haereat 
semper et inserviat, vinctus perpetuis quibusdam 
vinculis adtineatur. 

Dicet aliquis iu igitur praeier ceteros nimirum verbis 
puhhris et insignibus uteris ? ^ Ego immo volgaribus 
et obsoletis. Quid igitur est? Nisi istud saltern 
scirem, deterioribus uterer. 

(Naber, p. 153.) 

De Eloquentia 4 

Antonino Augusto Pronto. 

1. Pleraque in oratione recenti tua, quod ad 
sententias adtinet, animadverto egregia esse; pauca 
admodum uno tenus verbo corrigenda ; nonnihil in- 
terdum elocutione novella parum signatum. Quae 
melius visum est particulatim scribere, ita enim faci- 
lius perpendes singula et satis temporis ad inspici- 
endum habebis^ ut qui plurimis negotiis aut agendis 
occupatus sis aut actis defessus. 

2. Igitur in prohoemio quae egregie a te dicta 
putem^ quaeque arbitrer corrigenda, scripsi tibi. 
Ambr. 875 Scripturum deinceps pro amore in | te meo confide 
cetera. Prima ergo pars tota mirifica est, multis et 
gravibus sententiis referta, in quibus eximiae sunt 
.... Si recte .... quo genere Cato .... Si 

* Niebuhr for Cod. tUens. 


every respect, because in their ratiocinations there is 
always something obscure and intricate, and hence 
it results that the disciple always hangs upon his 
master and is his slave, held fast bound with a kind 
of eveVlasting fetter. 

Someone will say You then, of course, beyond all 
others use choice and striking words. Nay, I use 
common and old ones. What then? If I knew 
not that much, I should use words still worse. 

On Eloquence 4 

Fronto to Antoninus Augustus. 

1. Most things in your late speech, as far as the 
thoughts go, I consider were excellent, very few 
required alteration to the extent of a single word ; 
some parts here and there were not sufficiently 
marked with novelty of expression.^ I have thought 
it better to write to you on these points in detail, 
for so you will the more easily consider them separ- 
ately and have time to look into them, being as 
you are busied with the actual discharge and 
wearied with the past performance of very many 

2. Well then I have written to tell you what I con- 
sider excellently said by you in your exordium, and 
what in my opinion needs alteration. Do not doubt 
that what I shall further write will be written in 
the spirit of my love for you. All the first part 
then is wonderfully fine, packed with many weighty 
thoughts, in which these stand out .... in which 
kind Cato .... if sparingly and with dignity 

* Professor Mackail takes this to mean the " new Latin " 
style introduced by Fronto. 


VOL, H. G 


parce et cum dignitate .... multo deinde gravior 
et severior subiuncta <est sententia> .... si 

Ambr. 384 nihil .... Dobis opinionis . . . . | tralatum^ turn 
.... <si> res ita impulerint . . .*. vincas. 
Inesse .... alterum proprium comes, alterum tra- 
latum opifex. Neque ulla verbis istis inter se com- 
munio est neque propinquitas. Offendit igitur aures 
, ingruens diversitas naturae . . . . ^ sapere .... 
Sallustius .... quique manu venire pene bona patria 
laceraverat, Vides quantum similitudine verborum 
formae assecutus sit, ut verbum postremum, quam- 
quam parum pudicum, non indecorum esse videatur ; 
ideo scilicet quod <duo> verba similia praecedant. 
Quodsi ita haec verba contra dixisset : quique pene 
bona patria laceraverat, indita^ obscenitas verbis 
appareret .... manu ventre. Ad .... aures ; 

Arabr. 888, tertioquc .... I SiaaKev^ et Trap€Kl3d(r€L carendum. 

sSsI* which 3. Enimvero ad philosoplmm librum legas ; magis- 

iiiogibie^ tro interpretante tacitus attendas ; intellexisse ad- 
nuas ; aliis legentibus ipse plerumque dormites ; 
audias ti to irpSyrov; ri to Sevrepov; diu multumque 
* numerari : ci rjpiipa cartv, ^ois ia-rCv, fenestris paten- 

tibus laborari. Securus inde abeas, cni nihil per 
noctem medit^ndum aut conscribendum, nihil magis- 
tro recitandum, nihil de memoria pronuntiandum, 
nulla verborum indagatio, nullius synonymi omatus, 
nihil de Graeca in nostram linguam pariter verten- 
dum. In eos quoque meus magister Dionysius 

^ The margin of Cod. has in alio : petere. 

^ Query inscita . . . verbi. Several have proposed insila, 



.... then follows a much weightier and austerer 

thought if 

circumstances so compel .... the one word speci- 
fic — companion, the other figurative — artisan. Nor is 
there any connexion or relationship between these 
words. The ear therefore is offended by the in- 
herent contrast obtruded upon it 

.... Sallust says .... '^and one who had also 
wasted his patrimony manu ventre, pene " ^ You see 
how much the writer has effected by the likeness in 
the form of the words, so that the last word though 
far from modest does not strike one as indecent: 
for the reason doubtless that two similar words pre- 
cede it. But if on the other hand he had spoken 
the words thus : quique pene bona patria laceraverat, 
the obscenity attached to the words would be ob- 

must lack disposition and digression. 

3. To be sure you would read a book to your 
philosopher ; * listen in silence while your master 
explained it ; shew by nods that you understood him ; 
while others were reading, you would yourself mostly 
sleep ; would hear reiterated at length and often 
What is the ^first premiss ? What is ike second ? with 
windows wide open hear the point laboured, If it is 
daif, it is light. Then you would take your departure 
without a care, as one who had nothing to think 
over or write up the whole night long, nothing to 
recite to a master, nothing to say by heart, no hunt- 
ing up of words, no garniture of a single synonym, 
no parallel turning of Greek into our own tongue. 
Against them^ too did my master Dionysius the 

1 Cabil. 14. 

^ Fronto is making fun of the dialectic method of teaching 
contraHted with the rhetorical. ^ The dialecticians. 

o 2 


Ambr. S87 

Tenuior et compositam fabulam protulit de discep- 
tatione vitis et arboris ilicis. 

4. Vitis se ante ilicem ferebat, quod suavissimum 
fructum hominum conviviis et Osiris^ altaribus 
crearet^ idem dulce esu^ idem haustu iucundum. 
Tum se maiore cura quam Cleopatram reginam 
omari^ comptius quam Laidem formosam. Pam- 
pinos suos ita pulchros esse ut necterentur ex eis 
Libero thyrsi, corona Sileno, Nymphis Bacchisque 
redimicula ; ilicem esse horridam infructuosam in- 
amabilem ; creare boni aut amoeni numquam quic- 
quam | praeter glandem .... et in lacerata. Item 
vos ... ,2 Nunc ego consulto in fabulis finem 
facio^ ut^ si qua acrius dicta sunt^ permixta fabulis 

Ambr. 484, 



Ad Verum Imp. ii. 6 (Naber, p. 13t3). 

< Domino meo Vero Augusto> 

.... I animi mei perturbatione non possem. 
Sed acceptis litteris tuis, ea re iam primum bona 
spes mihi ostentata est^ quod tua manu scripseras; 
deinde quod post apstinentiam tridui et sanguinem 
satis strenue et prompte demissum^ liberatum esse 
te periculo impendentis valetudinis nuntiabas. Re- 
spiravi igitur et revalui et apud omnes foculos aras 

^ See Hauler ( Vers. d. Phil. 41, p. 79) for this passage. 
* About a column and a half are lost in the lacunae. 
' This sentence is from the margin. 

^ He was called Actrr^s (see Athen. xi. 7), and also haKi- 
\wpoSf from a line in Homer {11. ii. 512) which he often quoted. 



Slender 1 indite a (jUite artistic apologue on a dis- 
pute between the Vine and the Holm-oak tree, 

4. The vine vaunted herself above the holm-oak 
because she bore the most delicious of all fruits for 
the banquets of men and the altars of Osiris^ alike 
sweet to eat and delightful to quaff. Then^ again^ 
she was arrayed with more care than queenly Cleo- 
patra^ with more taste than lovely Lais. So fair 
were her branches that from them were wound the 
thyrsus-wands for Liber, a garland for Silenus, and 
chaplets for the Njmiphs and Maenads. But the 
holm-oak was rough, barren, unattractive, and never 
produced anything of any goodness or beauty except 

acorns Now I purposely end 

with fictions that, if I have said anything too severe, 
it may be softened down by being mingled with 

Fronto to Lucius Verus 

To my Lord Verus Augustus. ' ' 

.... I was so distressed in mind that I could 
not .... But on the receipt of your letter, the 
very fact that you had written with your own hand 
raised my hopes at the outset ; then came your good 
news that after three days* fasting and a prompt and 
rather drastic letting of blood you had been freed 
from the risk of a threatened illness.^ So I breathed 
again and recovered and made my prayers at every 

 C^pit. ( Vit. Veri, 6) tells us that Verus, while on his way 
to Asia for the Parthian war, was taken ill at Canusium. 
It appears that he narrowly escaped having a stroke, such as 
causea his death in January, 169, at the age of thirty-nine. 



lucos sacros arbores sacratas — nam rure agebam — 
supplicavi. Et nunc expecto ^ cognoscere ex tuis 
litteris, quantum medii- isti dies promoverint ad 
vires reficiendas. Enimvero nunc maiore multo cura 
diligentiaque opus est^ ut paulatim temet compleas> 
nee properes ad detrimenta virium resarcienda. Nam 
id quidem omnium opinione compertum et traditum 
est^ sanguinem ubi abundet incursim detrahendum^ 
postea pedetemptim esse reparandum. 

Fac, oro te et obsecro, Domine, quod tuo egregio 

ingenio decet, temperes et reparcas et modificeris 

desideriis omnibus^ quae nunc acriora solito et pro- 

caciora existere necesse est post apstinentiam^ qua 

Ambr. 433 neccssario in tem|pore usus es. 

Fratrem Dominum saluta^ quem salvom habebis^ 
si tu salvos eris. Vale, Domine dulcissime. 

Ambr. 319 
ad med, 
.coL 1 

Ad Amieos, i. 11 (Naber, p. 181). 

1 Fronto Velio Rufo Seni salutem. 

Figurae orationis sunt quae maxime orationem 
ornant. Duplex autem genus est figurarum. Aut 
enim verborum figurae sunt aut sententiarum. In 
figuris verborum est tropos, metaphora. Hac figura 
usus sum quom siagnvm^ dixi de corpore in quo 

^ Haupt cxjKto. 

2 Haupt for Cod. iiiediei. Naber reads vicdici (? misprint). 
^ Klussinann for Cod. jiguravi. 

^ If Capit. ( Vit. Ver. 6, § 7) is to be trusted, there was 
much needof this exhortation. 



hearth, altar, sacred grove and consecrated tree — for 
I was staying in the country. And now I am wait- 
ing to hear from your next letter how much the 
intervening days have done towards restoring your 
strength. For, indeed, much greater care and atten- 
tion are required now, that you may fill your veins 
gradually and not be in too great a haste to repair 
your lost strength. For it is a belief verified and 
traditional that blood when in excess must be 
promptly drawn off, but must subsequently be re- 
gained by slow degrees. 

1 pray and beseech you, my Lord, take heed, as 
befits your eminent character, to be sparing and 
temperate and restrained ^ in all your desires which 
now, after the abstinence which you have practised 
on a necessary occasion, must necessarily make them- 
selves felt more keenly and more importunately than 

Greet my Lord your brother,^ whose health you 
will ensure if you are well. Farewell, most sweet 

? 162 A.D. 

Fronto to Velius Rufus Senex,' greeting. 

The figures in a speech are what most set off a 
speech. There are two kinds of figures, for there 
are verbal figures or figures of thought. Among the 
former are trope and metaphor.* I employed this 
figure ^ when I applied the word slough to a body in 

* Marcus hurried to Canusiuin to see him ; see Capit. ibid. 
' Nothing more is certainly known of him. 

* Cicero {Bi'ut. 17), following Greek precedent, separated 
tropes from figures. We use trope for the metaphorical use 
of a word. 

* Perhaps in the speech Pro Biihynis mentioned below. 






iieque <sucus> ^ sincerus neque aqua pura neque 
ullus humor liquidus^ sed ita ut in palude corrupta 
omnia. Quod autem plerosque fugit,^ te hominem 
vehementem et cum doctrina tum multo magis 

natura validum esse [seirem artes]^ eius modicae 
. . . . * as aliter . . . . ^ 

Ad Amicos, i. 15 (Naber, p. 184). 

Fronto Praecilio Pompeiano salutem. 

Verum ex me, mi Pompeiane, uti res est, 
Ambr. 812, audies ; velimque te mihi verum | dicenti fidem 
818 habere. Orationem istam Pro Bithynis ante annum 

fere in manus sumpseram et corrigere institueram. 
Tibi etiam Romae tunc agenti nonnihil de ista ora- 
tione promiseram. Et quidem, si recte memini^ 
quom sermo inter nos de partitionibus orationum 
ortus esset, dixeram et prae me tuleram, satis me 
diligenter in ista oratione coniecturam, quae in 
crimine mandatae caedis verteretur, divisisse argu- 
ments ac refutasse. Interea nervorum dolor solito 
vehementior me invasit, et diutius ac molestius solito 
remoratus est. Nee possum ego membris crucianti- 
bus operam uUam litteris scribendis legendisque 
impendere ; nee umquam istuc a me postulare ausus 
sum. Philosophis etiam mirificis hominibus dicenti- 
bus, sapientem virum etiam in Phalaridis tauro inclu- 

^ Brakman. ^ Mai gives this, but with doubt. 

^ Mai gives these two words doubtfully. Brakman says 
valichim is followed by esse. * Four letters lost. 

* A lacuna of four pages follows, to mcremur in Ad AmicoSf 
i. 12, below. 



which there is no sap pure, no water uncontami- 
nated, no fluid clear, but, as in a morass, everything 
rotting. What, however, escapes most people, I 
should know, that you, a strenuous man and a strong 
by training, and much more by nature .... 

? 162 A.D. 

Fronto to Praecilius Pompeianus,^ greeting. 

You shall hear from me, my Pompeianus, the 
true state of the case ; and I would ask you to accept 
it from me as the truth. It is nearly a year ago that 
I took that speech For the Bithynians * in hand and 
set about revising it. I also made certain promises 
to you about the speech when you were in Rome at 
that time. And, indeed, if .1 remember rightly, 
when we were discussing the rhetorical heads of a 
speech, I claimed, and with some .pride, that I had 
in that speech very thoroughly analyzed in argument 
and confuted the assumption which turned on the 
charge of murder by mandate. Meanwhile, a more 
than usually severe attack of neuritis came on, which 
proved to be more persistent and troublesome than 
usual. And I cannot pay any attention to writing 
or reading letters when my limbs are racked with 
pain ; nor have I ever ventured to make such a 
demand upon my strength. When philosophers, 
those wondrous creatures, tell us that the wise man, 
even if shut up in the Bull of Phalaris,* would still 

^ Nothing is known for certain about him. He was 
possibly a fellow-countryman of Fronto's from Cirta. 

^ Nothing more is known of this speech beyond what 
Fronto tells us. 

^ A commonplace of the orators. See Cic. Titsc, ii. 7 ; 
Seneca, Ep. 66, etc. 



Ambr. 311 

sum beatum nihilominus fore, facilius crediderim 
beatum eum fore quam posse tantisper amburentl in 
aheno prohoemium meditari aut epigrammata ^ scri- 

Reconciliata deinde mihi longo post tempore com- 
moda valetudine alias egi res potius : adversus istam 
orationem alienato animo fui, nee pudebit me fateri 

odium ac simultatem . . Rediit igitur 

post repudium renuntiatum oratio domum meam et 
mecum denuo mansitavit" . . . . ab anu anucella^ 

Ad AmicoSy i. 16 (Naber, p. 185). 

<Fronto> Praecilio Pompeiano <salutem>. 
Ambr. 294 Lege, carissime mihi* <Pompeiane> . . . 

. , Venetus^ venalis est. Scis hoc perpetuum 
Veneti fatum esse, ut numquam venierit, veneat 

Ambr. 293 semper 


das curare. Rescribit mihi litteras 

se nullas accepisse. Tu certum . 
quidquid .... consenuisse 

. sim 


Ad Amicos, i. 17 (Naber, p. 185). 

<Fronto> Claudio luliano <salutem>. 

Habuisti igitur domi,^ <mi Naucelli> Ita 

instituimus amicitiam, ut haec volgata officia negle- 

^ Niebuhr would read epicheiremata (arguments). 
2 From the margin of Cod. ^ Ibid. 

* From the Index (Naber, p. 172). * Mai has VenUis. 

• From the margin of Cod. So also the fragments that 

' These five words may belong to the next letter. There 
are also two words. Has saltern^ given by Mai, which Niebuhr 
places between semper and das curare. * From the Index. 




be happy, I could find it more easy to believe that 
he would be happy than that he would be able, 
while baking in the brass, to muse the while on an 
exordium or write pointed phrases. 

Then when after a long interval I had recovered 
my health, I turned to other matters in preference. 
I took a dislike to that speech, and will not be 
ashamed to confess hatred and aversion . ^ . . 
.... So the speech has come back home to me 
after I had publicly disowned it, and taken up its 
abode with me again 


Fronto to Praecilius Pompeianus,^ greeting. 
My very dear friend Pompeianus, read . . . i 
.... Venetus ^ is for sale. You know that 
i^ is the perpetual fate of Venetus to be always 

going, never gone He writes in 

answer that he has never received my letter 

? 162 A.D. 

Fronto to Claudius Julianus, greeting. 

You have had then at home, my Naucellius,^ 
.... Our friendship has been on such a footing 
that we could dispense with these conventional 

^ There was another letter to him in this collection (Naber, 
p. 172), but only the opening words remain (from the Index, 
as read by Hauler, fVien. Stiid. 33, pt. 1, p. 175) : Lahris 
eivs labrafoviy I kissed him lip to lip. 

2 Venetus may be a proper name, or = Vcnetianus {i.e. a 
partizan of the '* Blues " in the Circus), or mean a Venetian. 

' One of the names of Julianus, who was consul under 
Pius and provincial legate under Marcus. 



geremus verb amore contenti .... Cum amico 
omnia amara et dulcia commuiiicata velim .... 
salus lumina . . . . eo pervenit ut esset mihi non 
tantum carissimus is sed paene solus . . 

Ad Amicos, i. 18 (Naber, p. 185). 

<Fronto> Claudio luliano <salulem>. 

Ambr. 280 Nescio quo pacto fit ^ .... I omnes provinciales 

loqui ; multa etiam laboriosius facere quam ipsa res 
postulat : acta cognitionum^ epistulas omnes denique 
ad provinciam adtinentes. Te iuvabunt tuisque 
. . . .^ <ut> adsidue <tu omnia> munera obires 
. . . .^ <eum ho>nore provinciales tractare, ut 
verum sit quod antiqui veteres dixerunt, rov airov 
cTvai KOL iraC^etv kol onrovSa{^€iv. Valerianus .... 
bonus si ... . studebam . . . .* conclusus ; nee 
me Valerianus noster videre potuit. A Dominis 
nostris Imperatoribus non propter aliud amari me 
opto, quam ut te quoque participem mei corporis et 
animi diligant: et cum bonitate eorum certus sum 
ita fore. 

Quom tibi scriberem^ paulo commodius valebam. 
Adhuc quidem eo tempore eram ex longissima vale- 
tudine^ quam contra curam .... .aeque .... 

Ambr. 279 • . | . . male mulcavit, recitavi in senatu satis 
. . . .* <ut> repeterem, postularetur. Fac, mi 
Naucelli, valetudinis tuae curam agas^ ut fortis ad 
nos venias. Dei praestabunt ut me quoque forti- 

1 From the Index (Naber, p. 172). 

2 About twenty-five letters missing. 
' About ten letters lost. 

^ In these lacunae eight lines are lost. 
^ In the first gap ten letters are lost, in the second ten 
lines, and in the third three lines. 



services^ assured of the reality of our love .... 
With a friend I would wish all joys and sorrows 

shared it came to this that 

he was not only my dearest friend^ but almost the 
single one who .... 

? 162 A.D. 

Fronto to Claudius Julianus^ greeting. 

I know not how it comes to pass .... all the 
provincials say ; to do many things also more labori- 
ously than the case itself requires : memoranda ot 
the trials, lastly all letters which relate to the pro- 
vince. They will assist you .... that you should 
diligently perform all your duties .... treat the 
provincials with respect, that the saying of the classic 
ancients may be verified, that the same man can be 
both sportive and strenuous. Valerianus^ .... 

; nor was our friend 

Valerianus able to see me. I desire not to be loved 
by our Lords the Emperors ^ on any other terms 
than that you too the partner of my body and mind 
should be included in their love : and such is their 
good nature I feel sure that this will be so. 

While writing to you, I feel a little better. I am 
still indeed at this time after my most protracted ill- 
health, which in spite of care 

roughly handled, I delivered in the 

Senate .... was asked to repeat it. Be sure, my 
Naucellius, to take care of your health, that you 
may be strong when you come to us. Please God 

^ Possibly the master of the emperor Pertinax (see Capit. 
VU, Pert, 12). 
^ Marcus Antoninus and Lucius Verus (161-169). 



culum invenias. Valerian us noster magnas ad te 
plagas rettulit, quas ab omnibus . . . .^graviuseum 
tractavi quam Stratonabian aut Pyrallum.^ Stragula 
mihi linea sculptaf quae germani . . . . ^ 

Ad M. Caes. ii. 16 (Naber, p. 37). 

<DoMiNo meo>. 
Ambr. 104, .... <praedam> | abripere terrae, ut dicitur, 

105?^ ng jjujjjQ cellae filios : tantam de thesauris Antonini 
pecuniam prodigi quam nescio quae ista altilis 
alumna accipiet^ unde nihil Egatheus acceperit. 
Quanti vero rumores adversi, quantae querimoniae 
exorientur bonis lege Falcidia distractis ? Lineam 
istam famosam atque celebratam ceteraque tantae 
pecuniae ornamenta quis emet ? Tua uxor si emerit, 
praedam invasisse et minimo aere eripuisse dieetur, 
eoque minus ad eos quibus legatum erat pervenisse. 

* Two lines lost. ^ These two words are not certain. 

^ Perhaps ten lines are lost here. 

^ From the fragmentary nature of the evidence, it is not 
easy to understand the legal points in the case alluded to in 
these three letters. Matidia, the great-aunt of Marcus and 
Faustina, had made them her heirs, but whether they were 
her natural heirs is not known. The codidlli were informal 
documents added to the will, in which directions were given 
to the heir as to certain gifts to be distributed by him. 
These were cancelled by Matidia, but certain interested 
parties tried to pass them off as valid. Fronto is afraid 
that Marcus will, for fear of benefiting himself, let them 
stand, in which case they might absorb more than the three- 
fourths of the whole property contrary to the Falcidian law, 



you will find me too a little stronger. Our friend 
Valerianus has told you the great blows, which from 
all (quarters) .... I have treated him more firmly 
than Stratonabia or Pyrallus. A linen covering 

Fronto to Marcus Antoninus as Emperor 

rr* 1 J 1 162 A. D. 

1 o my Lord.^ 

. . . .that children of the earth, as the saying 
goes, or rather of the gutter, should snatch the 
booty : that so much wealth from the treasuries of 
Antoninus should be thrown away for that pampered 
protegee, whoever she is, to get, so that Egatheus ^ 
will get nothing. What unfriendly comments how- 
ever, what grumblings will arise, when the goods 
have been dispersed under the Falcidian Law ? 
That celebrated string of pearls,^ which everyone 
talks of, and all the other ornaments of such value, 
who will buy them ? If your wife buys them, she 
will be said to have pounced upon the spoil and 
snatched them away at a very small price,' and that so 
much the less had come to the legatees under the 

which stipulated that the heir must receive at least one- 
fourth of the whole inheritance. Marcus could either refuse 
to act as heir, or decide against the codicils, and so bring 
the gifts mentioned in them into his own share as residuary 
legatee, or let the codicils stand in spite of the seals being 
broken {cp. his own decision in Dig. xxviii. 4, 3, and Gains, 
ii. 120 and 151). It is most likely that he took the second 
course, though he may also have carried out the cancelled 

* See Corp. Insc. Lat. vi. 8446 : jT. Aurelius EgatJi^ics Imp. 
Antonini Aug. Lib. a Codicillis. 

^ Possibly alluded to by Scaevola, one of the amici, in Dig. 
XXXV. 2, 36. 



At non emet haec ornamenta Faustina. Quis igitur 
emet margarita^ quae filiabus tuis legata sunt ? lis 
margaritis collos filiarum tuarum despoliabis ut cuius 
tandem ingluvies turgida ornetur ? 

An hereditas Matidiae a vobis non adibitur? 
Summo gen ere, summis opibus nobilissima femina de 
vobis optime merita intestata obierit ? Ita prorsus 
eveniet ut cui funus publicum decreveris ei ademeris 
testamentum. Adhuc usque in omnibus causis 
iustum te et gravem et sanctum iudicem exhibuisti : 
ab uxorisne tuae causa prave iudicare inchoabis ? 
Tum tu quidem ignem imitaberis, si proximos 
Arabr. 103 am|bures, longinquis lucebis. 

Ad M. Caes. ii. 17 (Naber, p. 38). 

R<EscRiPTUM> magistro meo. 

Ergo magister mens iam nobis et patronus erit ? 
Equidem possum securus esse, quom duas res animo 
meo carissimas secutus sim, rationem veram et sen- 
tentiam tuam. Di velint ut semper, quod agam, 
secundo iudicio tuo, mi magister, agam. 

Vides quid horae tibi rescribam. Nam post con- 
sultationem amicorum in hoc tempus collegi 
sedulo ea quae nos moverant, ut Domino meo per- 
scriberem faceremque cum nobis in isto quoque 



will. But you will say Faustina will not buy these 
ornaments. Who then will buy the pearls^ which 
were left to your daughters ? You will rob the 
necks of your daughters of these pearls that they 
may grace whose goitred gorge may I ask ? 

Shall Matidia's inheritance not be taken up by 
you ? Shall a most noble lady of the highest rank^ 
of the greatest wealth, one who has deserved 
especially well of you, have thus died intestate } 
The precise result, therefore, will be, that you will have 
robbed of her will one to whom you have granted a 
public funeral. Hitherto in every* cause without 
exception you have shewn yourself a just and 
weighty and righteous judge. Will you begin with 
your wife's case to give wrong judgment? Then will 
you indeed be like a fire, if you scorch those who are 
nearest and give light to those who are far ofF.^ 

The Emperor Marcus Antoninus to Fronto 

1 CO 

Answer to my master. ^* 

So my master will now be my advocate also ' 
Of a truth I can feel easy in my mind, when I have 
followed the two guides .dearest to my heart, right 
reason and your opinion. God grant that whatever 
I do I may always do with your favourable endorse- 
ment, my master. 

You see how late I am writing my answer to you. 
For after a consultation with my friends up to this 
moment, I have carefully collected all the points 
which weighed with us, so as- to write fully to my 
Lord,^ and make him our assessor in this business 

^ ep. Sallust in Suidas s.v, Athenodotus. 

' Lucius Verus, who had gone to the Parthian war. 


VOL. H. H 


negotio praesentem. Turn demum Bapa-rjcrta rois 
/3cjSovX€v/icvoi9, quom fuerint ab illo comprobata. 
Orationem^ qua causam nostram defendisti^ Faus- 
tinae confestim ostendam^ et agam gratias ei quod 
mihi talis epistula tua legenda ex isto negotio nata 
est. Bone et optime magister, vale. 

Ad Aminos, i. 14 (Naber, p. 183). 

AuFiDio VicTORiNo genero <Fronto salutem>. 
Ambr. 818, Ad obruzae tempus^ . .' . . | et Varianis alum- 

foUowing j^jg maseulis feminisque sestertium deciens ^ singulis 
reliquit usurarium potius quam proprium : nam quin- 
quagena annua ab Augusta singulis dari iussit. 
Plerique onanes, qui earn curaverant, frustra fuerunt : 
ne librae quidem singulis ponderatae sunt. Ausi 
sunt tamen nonnulli^ navi scilicet et strenui viri, 
codicillos^ quos iam pridem Matidia inciderat^ obsi- 
gnare^ quom ilia sine sensu ullo iaceret. Ausi etiam 
sunt codicillos istos apud Dominum nostrum ut 
probe ae recte factos tueri et defendere. Nee sine 
metu fui^ ne quid philosophia perversi suaderet. 
Quid ad eum de re scripserim, ut scires, exemplum 
litterarum misi tibi. 

In oratione Bithyna, cuius partem legisse te scribis, 

^ From the Index, as read by Hauler {Wien, Stud, 33, 
pt. 1, p. 176). ^ Possibly vicieris in the Codex. 

^ He chaffingly calls the letter a speech. 

* This assaying of the gold (presumably the gold' orna- 
ments) was done by means of fire in a small flat vessel called 
a cupel, 



also. Then only shall I have confidence in our 
decision^ when it has been approved by him. The 
'^ speech^** in which you have advocated our cause^ 
I will shew at once to Faustina^ and will tender her 
thanl^s because as an outcome of that business it 
has been my lot to read such a letter from you. 
Good master, best of masters, farewell. 

162 A.D. 

Fronto to Aufidius Victorinus his son-in-law. 
At the time of- the gold-test ^ , , , , and 
to her Varian prot^g^s of either . sex she left a 
million sesterces^ apiece for them to' enjoy as a 
life interest rather than, for their ow^n; for she 
directed that 50,000 sesterces* apiece should be 
given them every year by the Empress. Almost 
all those who had paid her court lost their 
labour : not a pound apiece was weighed out to 
them. Some of them however, brisk and smart 
fellows without a doubt, had the efFrontety, while 
Matidia lay unconscious, to seal up the codicils, 
which she had annulled a long while before. They 
had the effrontery also to uphold and defend these 
codicils before our Lord as duly and truly executed. 
And I have not been without apprehension that 
Philosophy might lead him to a wrong decision. 
That you may know what I wrote to him on the 
subject, I send you a copy of toy letter. 

In my Bithynian speech, part of which you write 

» AV>out £20.000. 

^ About £500. It is not clear whether these alumni 
were children of an alimentary foundation, such as the 
p^^llae Faustinianac. 

• H 2 


multa sunt nova addita^ ut arbitror ego, non inornate^ 
locus in primis de acta vita^ quern tibi placiturum 
puto^ si legeris quod in simili re M. Tullius pro 
L.* Sulla egregie scriptum reliquit : non ut par pai*i 
compares^ sed ut aestimes nostrum mediocre in- 
genium quantum ab illo eximiae eloquentiae viro 

(Naber, p« 155.) 

Ad Marcum Antoninum de Orationibus 

<Antonino Augusto Fronto>. 

Ambr. 882, 1 | pauca subnectam fortasse inepta 

o^^owing iniqua^ nam rursus faxo magistrum me experiare. 
Neque ignoras omnem banc magistrorum <turbam>3 
vanam propemodum et stolidam esse : parum elo- 
quentiae et sapientiae nihil. Feres profecto bona 
venia veterem potestatem et nomen magistri me 
usurpantem denuo. 

2. Fateor enim^ quod res est, unam solam posse 
causam incidere, qua causa claudat aliquantum amor 

* So Cod. by mistake for P. 

* Haupt for Cod. cibluat (Mai), cp. Hor. Sat. ii. iii. 320. 
' Mai. Query <rtm>, 

^ Owing to the confusion in the leaver of the Codex and 
their partial illegibility, it is impossible to be quite sure of 
the position of the various parts of this tractate, and con- 
sequently of the thread -of the argument. It is obviously 
connected with the similar letters De Eloqttentia above, being 
like them an appeal to Marcus not to neglect eloquence for 
philosophy. Little seems lost at the beginning, and Fronto 
enters at once on an indictment of the false eloquence of 
Seneca and his school, whom he accuses of trickeries and 
tautology, taking Lucan especially as an instance of the latter 
fault. He compares their mannerisms to a harpist in a 



" -- / 

that you have read^ there-^ ^t'e a^ny fresh things 
introduced^ not inelegantly as I "faAfV, particularly a 
passage on jpy past life, which I'-'lJiink will please 
you, if you read that excellent speecli -on a" similar 
subject in defence of P. Sulla left us by M/ TuMjus : 
not that you should compare us as equals, bu1;]tb^ , 
you should recognise how far my mediocre taleAt' 
falls short of that man of unapproachable eloquence. 

On Speeches 

Fronto to Antoninus Augustus. 

1 I will subjoin a few possibly un- 
reasonable and unjust criticisms, for I will make 
you again have a taste of me as a master.^ And 
you are aware that all this company of masters 
is more or less futile and fatuous — little enough of 
eloquence and of wisdom nought ! You will I am 
sure bear with me for taking up anew my old-time 
authority and title of master. 

2. For I confess, what is the fact, that only one 
thing could happen to cause any considerable set-back 

cantata repeating a note again and again. He also charges 
such writers with meanness and slovenliness of diction, with 
effeminate fluency and preciosity. Turning to a speech 
lately delivered by Marcus, he praises him for his invention, 
and repeats (§ 8) what he had said in the De Eloqiientia about 
clear and imperfect utterance. In connexion with this he 
refers to a treatise of Theodorus, which he had evidently 
used in his lessons. In § 9 an unfortunate gap obscures the 
trend of the argument, but we find him stiU discussing the 
Senecan style. From this he turns to the grandiloquence of 
a Gallic rhetor and his inappropriate use of Ennius. But the 
abrupt transition from Alexander to the Tiber is puzzling. 
In conclusion, he criticises severely an edict of Marcus and 
adds a warning against the debased style. 



•. •• 

erga te meus — si .eloqfiisentiam neglegas. Neglegas 
tamen vero potCuii^ behseo quam prave excolas. Coh- 
fusam euxn egQ**eloquentiam^ catachannae ritu ^ par- 
tim*|^ei$.^ nucibus Catonis partim Senecae mollibus 
•^t iF^Bnculosis prunulis insitam^ subvertendam censeo 
"/^•.radicitus, immo vero, Plautino ut utar verbo," ex- 
• ' radicitus. Neque ignore copiosum sententiis et 
redundantem hominem esse : verum sententias eius 
tolutares video nusquam quadripedo concitas ^ cursu 
ten<d>ere, nusquam pugnare,^ nusquam maiestatem 
studere ; ut Laberius dictabolariay immo dicteriay 
potius eum quam dicta eonfingere. 

3. Itane existimas graviores sententias et eadem 
de re apud Annaeum istum reperturum te quam 
apud Sergium ? Sed non modulatas aeque : fateor ; 
Ambr. 381 nequc tta I cordaces : ita est ; neque ita tinnulas : non 
nego. Quid vero, shprandium utrique adponatur, 
adpositas oleas alter digitis prendat, ad os adferat, 
ut mandueandi ius fasque est ita dentibus subiciat, 
alter autem oleas suas in altum iaciat, ore aperto 
excipiat, ut ealculos praestigiator, primoribus labris 
ostentet? Ea re profecto pueri laudent, convivae 

^ So Hauler in Festschrift Theod. Gomperz, p. 392. 

* Brakman for Cod. PlatUino traio. Stud, prefers Plautino- 
tcUo, for which qt. Aul. Gell. iii. 3, PlaiUinissimuSt and 
Lucian, F.H. ii. 19, UKarcoyiK^aros. 

^ For God. concitOy which does nob seem to be used like 
concitato. ^ Heindorf suggests ^mn^tfrc. 



in my love for you^ and that is^ if you were to neglect 
eloquence. Yet indeed I would rather you neglected 
it than cultivated it in the wrong way. For as to 
that hybrid eloquence of the^ catachanna^ type, 
grafl^ed partly with Cato's pine-nuts,^ partly with 
the soft and hectic plums of Seneca, it ought in my 
judgment to be plucked up by the roots, nay, to 
use a Plautine expression, in^ the roots of the roots, 
I am aware that he is a man who abounds in 
thoughts, aye bubbles over with them; but I see 
his thoughts go trot-trot, nowhere keep on their 
course under the spur at a free gallop, nowhere shew 
fight, nowhere aim at sublimity : like Laberius, he 
fashions wit-holts^ or rather wit-JlasheSy rather than 

3. Do you then suppose that you could find 
weightier thoughts and on the same subject in 
your Annaeus than in Sergius ? But (in Sergius) ^ 
not so rh^hmical : I grant it ; nor so sprightly : it is 
so; nor with such a ring: I do not deny it. But 
what, if the same meal be set before two persons, 
and the one take up the olives set on the table with 
his fingers, carry them to his open mouth, let them 
come between his teeth for mastication in the decent 
and proper manner, while the other throw his olives 
into the air, catch them in his mouth, and shew 
them when 'caught, like a juggler his pebbles, with 
the tips of his lips. Schoolboys of course would clap 
the feat and the guests be amused, but the one will 

1 See i. p. 140. 

^ The plain, austere eloc^uence of Cato is compared to the 
fruit of the wild pine (Hauler refers to Cato, B.H. xlviii. 3), 
as contrasted with the soft, feverish style of Seneca. 

* Sergius Flavins, who, says Quintilian {Inst. viii. 3), 
formed many new words, some very hareh. 



delectentur; sed alter pudice pranderit, alter labellis 
gesticulatus erit. 

At enim sunt quaedam in libris eius seite dicta^ 
graviter quoque nonfiulla. Etiam laminae interdum 
argentiolae cloacis inveniuntur; eane re cloacas 
purgandas redimemus ? 

4. Primum illud in isto genere dieendi vitium 
turpissimum, quod eandem sententiam milliens alio 
atque alio amictu indutatn referunt. Ut histriones^ 
quom palliolatim saltant^ caudam cycni^ capillum 
Veneris^ Furiae fiagellum^ eodem pallio demonstrant : 
ita isti unam eandemque sententiam multimodis 
faciunt^ ventilant, commutant^ convertunt, eadem 
lacinia <varia> saltant,^ refrieant eandem unam 
sententiam saepius quam puellae olfactoria sucina.^ 

5. Dieendum est de fortuna aliquid ? Omnes ibi 
Ambr. 344 : Fortunas, Antiates, Praenesti|nas, Respicientes, bal- 
Quat!zxx. nearum etiam^ Fortunas omnes cum pennis cum 

rotis cum gubernaculis reperias. 

Unum exempli causa poetae prohoemium com- 
memorabo^ poetae eiusdem temporis eiusdemque 
nominis ; fuit aeque Annaeus. Is initio carminis 
sui septem primis versibus nihil aliud quam bella 
plus quam civilia interpretatus est. N<umera>^ 
replicet quot sententiis — lusque datum sceleri : una 
sententia est; in sua vicirici conversum viscera 

^ For Cod. salutajU, Haupt suggests eandem laciniam 
^ Haupt for Cod. olfactoriae, • Brakman. 



have eaten his dinner decently, the other juggled 
with his lips. 

You will say, there are certain things in his books 
cleverly expressed, some also with dignity. Yes, even 
little silver coins are sometimes found in sewers ; are 
we on that account to contract for the cleaning of 
sewers ? ^ 

4. The first and most objectionable defect in that 
style of speech is the repetition of the same thought 
under one dress and another, times without number. 
As actors, when they dance clad in mantles, with 
one and the same mantle represent a swan*s tail, the 
tresses of Venus, a Fury's scourge, so these writers 
make up the same thought in a thousand ways, 
flourish it, alter it, disguise, it, with the same lappet 
dance diverse dances, rub up one and the same 
thought oftener than girls their perfumed amber. 

5. Has something to be said about fortune } You 
will find there the whole gaUery of Fortunes, For- 
tunes of Antium, of Praeneste, Fortunes Regardant,^ 
Fortunes too of baths, all Fortunes with wings, 
with wheels, with rudders. 

One prelude of a poem ^ I will quote by way of 
example from a poet of the same time and of the 
same name, an Annaeus like the other. In the 
first seven verses at the beginning of his poem he 
has done nothing but paraphrase the words Wars 
tvarse than civiL Count up the phrases in which 
he rings the changes on this — and sanction granted 
to wrong : phrase number one ; turning their conquer- 
ing swords, in their own hearths blood to imbrue them : 

^ Dryden, in his Essay on DramcUic Poetry, quotes the 
proverb aurum ex stercore coUigere, 

^ i.e. ready to aid men ; see Cic. Be Legg. ii. 11, §28. 
^ Lucan's FharscUia, Book I. 2 ff. 



<dexlra> : iam haec altera est; cognatasque acies: 
tertia haec erit ; in commune nefas : quartam nu- 
merat ; infestisque ohvia signis signa : accumulat quo- 
que quintain ; pares aquilas : sexta haec Herculis 
aerumna ; et pila minantia pilin : septima — de Aiacis 
scuto corium. Annaee^ quis finis erit? Aut si 
nullus finis nee modus servandus est^ cur non 
addis et similes lituos ? Addas licet et carmina noia 
tvbarum, Sed et loricas et conos et balteos et 
omnem armorum supellectilem sequere. 

6. ApoUonius autem — non enim Homeri pro- 
hoemiorum par artificium est — ApoUonius^ inquam^ 

Ambr. 343 qui Argoiututos scripsit^ I quinque res <prorsus di- 
versas diserte in> quattuor versibus narrat: icXca 
<^a)ra)v, viros qui navigassent ; ol VLovtolo Kara orrd/xa, 
iter quo navigassent; ^ao-iA.^09 itfirifioa-vvrj ricAioo, 
cuius imperio navigassent; <xpviT€lov> /xera Kwas, 
cui rei navigassent; iv^vyov rjKaarav *Apyw, navem 
qua vecti essent. 

Isti autem tam oratores quam ])oetae consimile 
faciunt atque^ citharoedi solent unam aliquam vo- 
calem litteram de Inone ^ vel de Aedone multis et 
variis accentibus <iter>are.* 

7. Quid ego verborum sordes et illuvies? Quid 
verba modulate collocata <et> effeminate fluentia^ 
.... Ibi igitur . . . . et aversantes <exami>nare 

^ Naber for Cod. lU qiuie. 

' Peerlkainp for Mai's Heiunie. 

^ Ibid. Mai has <.earU>arc. 

* This sentence is from the margin of Cod. 



here we havfe a second ; kin against kin embattled : 
that will be a third ; gtult that was shared by all : he 
tells off his fourth ; and standards set against stand- 
ards : he piles up a fifth to boot ; eagles with eagles 
matched : here's the sixth ! why^ this is a labour 
of Hercules ; and javelins poised against Javelins : a 
seventh ! a bull's hide from the shield of Ajax. Wilt 
never be done. Annaeus? Or if no end or limit 
is ever to be kept^ why not add clarions also alike ? 
And you might go on^ and the well-known blare of the 
bugles, Yes^ and follow up with cuirasses and helmets 
and belts and all the paraphernalia of a soldier. 

6. Apollonius^ however — ^for Homer's openings 
are not equally skilful — ApoUonius^ I say^ who wrote 
the ArgonauUca, describes five quite distinct facts 
explicitly in five lines : xXca ^wtwv,^ the heroes who 
sailed; ot Hovroio Kara crroyuoL, the route by which 
they sailed ; fiaLaiX^os iKfufffKHrvvrf U^Xiaoy at whose 
best they sailed ; XP^'^^^^ fiera fcSaa^, on what quest 
they sailed ; €v(yyov ^Aacrav 'Apyw, the ship on which 
they were carried. 

These writers, as well rhetoricians as poets, do 
just what harpers are wont to do, who dwell with 
many varied intonations on some single vowel from 
Ino or from Aedon.^ 

7. What shall I say of meanness and sloven- 
liness in words .f* What of words rhythmically 

arranged and effeminately fluent? 

.... and from dislike regard with a critical eye 

* Glories of heroes, — who by the Pontic strait, — as their 
monarch Pelias bade them, — seeking the Golden Fleece, — 
rowed forth in the well-built Argo. 

'■^ Musical plays so named from their subjects ; but the 
names are by no means certain, and various others have been 
proposed instead. 



hoc elegantiae^ genus. <Uti> clipeo te Achillis in 
orationibus oportet, non parmulam ventilare neque 
hastulis histrionis ludere. Aquae de siphunculis 
concinnius saliunt quam de imbribus .... rem 
laudant .... quaerit . . « . quis istorum .... 
pandere .... apud .... 

Ambr. 850 8 *^ | oculos coTivenienies dixisti. Quis clamor 

iteratur ! ^ apparuit enim utrumque verbum quae- 
situm et inventum : quod ubi verbum invenisti, cavere 
pulchre scivisti. Impediti* voce dicuntur qui bal- 
butiunt^ et contrarium est soluta et expedita voce : 
multo melius apparuit enodata ; quaesisse te arbitror 
ex eodem isto loco quod est airo tov ivavriov, quom 
imperfecta vox balbutientium sit, potuisse dici per- 
fectam. Quae ignoras<se te . . . . quom>^ oculos 
convenientes dixisti . . . .^ improbatur hie locus ab 
.... <quia verbum varia> significatione est : 
Theodorus airo tov 7roAAax«s XiytaSai appellat. Nam 
convenire et decere et aptum esse et congruere 
Graeci r/pfiocrOaL appellant. 

Non dubito alia item verba percensuisse. Nam, 
<quom> straboni oculi dispares sunt, potuisse te 

^ Eckst. prefers eloquenbiac. Uti is from Mai. 

^ In the lacunae after imbribus about a quarter of a page 
would seem to be lost. 

^ Naber prefers iter edits. 

* Query impedita. 

^ A little more than a line is lost. J. W. E. Pearce sug- 
gests Quae ignoras <hinc saepe adhibenda sunt. Ex eo fonte 
igUur>- oculos, etc. 

® Nine or ten letters lost. 



this form of preciosity. In public speaking you have 
need to use the shield of Achilles^ not wave a little 
targe or feint with the sham lances of the stage. 
Water gushes more daintily from little pipes than 
from the clouds 

8 You spoke of harmonizing eyes} What 

applause^ redoubled ! for either word had been ob- 
viously sought after and found : and when you had 
found the word, you knew admirably how to use it 
with caution. Those who stammer^ are said to have 
an impediment in their speech, and the contrary is 
the case with a speech free and unimpeded : much 
better clearly was your tongue-untied. And I think 
you have gone to that same passage for an expression 
"drawn from the contrary," that, since the utterance 
of stammerers is imperfect, it was possible to speak 
of a perfect utterance. That you should have been 
unaware of this .... when you said harmonizing 
eyes .... this passage is found fault with «... 
(because the word is of a varied) meaning : Theo- 
dorus calls it the " method from synonyms." ^ For 
the Greeks express to agree, to Jit, to suit, to har- 
monize by the term rfpfioaOai (to be adapted). 

I do not doubt that you passed in review other 
words also. For as in him who squints the eyes are 
not of a match, you could have called them equal or 

^ Marcus may have been alluding to himself and Lucius as 
the eyes of the state. 

^ See De Eloquentia above, 3, § 1. 

' J. W. £. Pearce has suggested to me that this is the 
meaning of the words. A text-book on rhetoric by Theo- 
dorus seems referred to, by the rules of which Fronto judges 
the expressions quoted. There were two rhetoricians of this 
name, one of Gadara, the other of Byzantium. For the 
latter see Cic. Brut. 12 {in arte mbtilior), 



pares aut im pares dicere ; disconcinnos illos^ hos con- 
cinnos dici potuisse ; convenientes multo melius. 

9. Dicas fortasse qidd in orationibus vieis novicium, 
quid crispulum, quid luscum, quid purpurisso litum aut 
iumidum aut pollutum ? Nondum (|uicquam : sed 
vereor . . , .^ eas promo , . , ,* 

10. LAudo Censoris factum^ qui ludos talarios pro- 
Ambr. 849 hibuit^ | quod semet ipsum diceret^ quom ea praeter- 

iret^ dignitati difficile servire^ quin ad modum crotali 
aut cymbali pedem poneret. Turn praeterea multa 
sunt in isto genere dicendi sinceris similia^ nisi quis 
diligenter examinat. lusque datum sceleri,^ M. An- 
uaeus ait ; contra Sallustius : omne ius in validioribus 

11. Gallicanus^ quidam declamator, quom Mace- 
dones deliberarent, Alexandro morbo mortuo, an et 
Babylonem perverterent. Quid si operas conduc<it>is 
leon^s f inquit. Iste et superbe Factum est — eodem 
hoc verbo^ Enni — v(^is lustra<tis>^ peroravit,*^c^iiw« 
est^ factum est opus ^ inex<super>abile. Tiberis est, 
Tusce,® Tiberis quem iubes claudi : Tiber amnis et 
dominus et fluentium circa regnator undanim ; 

^ Six letters lost. * Three lines lost. 

' Cod. adds co. 

* For all the following passage see Hauler, Zeitachr, f. dk 
oat. Oymn. Ixi. pp. 673 ff. 

* Over this word is written in a1{io) graviore sensu. 

* Or m* «c alio : Quiritihiis. ' Or m* ex alio : exclamavit. 
^ Over opus is written turn facimu perfecia eanalis, and 

then tali mole praestabilis, 

^ Or possibly Fauste says hauler. The Tuscan must have 
canalised the Tiber. 



unequal^ these accordant^ those discordant ; but har- 
numizing was much better. 

9. Perhaps you will say rvkat is there in my speeches 
new-fangled, what arti/icial, what obscure, what patched 
mth purple, what inflated or corrupt ? Nothing as 
yet ; ^ but I fear . , 

10. I praise the Censor's^ act^ who shut up the 
gaming houses because he himself^ as he said^ when 
he passed that way could scarce consult his dignity 
so far as to refram from dancing to the sound of 
the castanets or cymbals. Then besides there are 
many things in that kind of oratory ' not unlike the 
genuine things if one does not look carefully into it. 
Sanction granted to wrong, says M. Annaeus ; on the 
other hand Sallust : all right rests with the stronger. 

11. A certain Gallic rhetorician,^ while the Mace- 
donians on Alexander's death from disease were de- 
bating^ whether they should utterly destroy Babylon 
also, says. What if you hire lions to do your work ? 
Grandiosely too he^ cries in his peroration, using 
the same word as Ennius, By you citizens has been 
wrought, has been wrought a work unsurpassable. It. is 
the Tiber, O Tuscan,^ the Tiber that thou biddest be 
penned in : the river Tiber, master and monarch of all 

^ This passage, if no other, makes impossible the sugges- 
tion of Mommsen that this treatise was written as late as 
177. Fronto died, almost certainly, in 166. 

^ It is not known who the Censor was. 

' The Senecan style. 

* Probably not Favorinus, the Gallic orator of Hadrian's 
circle, who was a friend of Fronto's. 

* i.e. in the orator's show speech on the subject. 

* The Gallic orator. 

■^ Who the Tuscan was who canalised the Tiber is not 
clear, nor whether the whole of this is not another extract 
from the rhetorician. 


Ennius <Factum *gt>: pos<l> aqiiam^ <Utfn> con- 
sistii isti fluvitu qui <est> omnibu princeps,^ qui sub 
ovilia^ ait. 

Peritia opus est ut vestem interpolem a sincera 
discemas. Itaque tutissimum est lectionibus eius- 
modi abstinere. Facilis ad lubrica lapsus est. 

12. Unum edictum tuum memini me animadver- 
tisse^ quo periculose scripseris vel indigna defecto 
aliquo libro. Huius edicti initium est: Florere in 
SUM aciibus inUhatam iuverUutem. Quid hoc est^ 
Ambr. 852 Marce ? Hoc I nempe dic'ere vis, cupere te Italica 
oppida frequentari copia iuniorum. Quid in primo 
versu et verbo primo facit florere ? Quid significat 
inlibatam iuventutem ? Quid sibi volunt ambitus isti 
et circumitiones ? Alia quoque eodem edicto sunt 
eiusmodi. Revertere potius ad verba apta et propria 
et suo suco imbuta. Scabies porrigo ex eiusmodi 
libris concipitur. Monetam illam veterem sectator. 
Plumbei nummi et cuiuscemodi^ adulterini in istis 
recentibus nummis saepius inveniuntur quam in 
vetustis, quibus signatus est Perpema vel Tre- 
ba<nius> • • • . Quid igitur.^ Non malim mihi 

^ m* postquam. Above these words is written sensu (or 
versu) duropressUj and above that retro ad arida. 

^ For this line the Codex also gives Hetro iam substat 
fluviuSf etc., and Constitit is Jluvius qui est princeps omnium 

* Over these words are written Urbis Bomae saxis Palatini 
inhahitasse feruntur. 

* Kluss. would read cuiusqu^modi. 



circumfluent waters;^ Ennius says: *Tfvti8 wrought: 
ajler its Jlood now | stained at the spot stood still that 
stream that is queen of all rivers, \ which underneath the 
OmUa^ (flows). 

There is skill needed to distinguish a patched 
dress from a sound one. So the safest course is to 
eschew all such citations. It is easy to slip on the ice. 

12. One edict of yours I remember to have noticed^ 
in which you hazardously wrote what would be even 
unworthy of some faulty book. The edict begins : 
That there should flourish on their holdings ' unimpaired 
youth. What is this^ Marcus ? What you wish to say 
is doubtless that you desire to see the Italian towns 
stocked with a plentiful supply of young men. What 
is fiorere doing in the first line and as the first word } 
What is meant by unimpaired * youth ? What is the ob- 
ject of these inversions and circumlocutions ? Other 
faults of a similar kind are to be found in the same 
edict. Hark back rather to words that are suitable 
and appropriate and juicy with their own sap. The 
itch and the scurf are caught from books of that 
kind.^ Cleave to the old mintage. Coins of lead 
and debased metal of every kind are oftener met 
with in our recent issues than in the archaic ones 
which are stamped with the names of Perperna or 
Trebanius ^ . . . . What then ? Am I not to prefer 

^ ep. Verg. Aen. viii. 77. He probably followed Ennius. 

^ The Ovilia was a place in the Campus Martins where the 
voting at the elections took place. 

' Aettis, a certain measure of land (seePlin. N.ff. xviii. 17). 

^ Marcus {Ad Goes. i. 2 and v. 7) uses the word illibcUtis 
of corpus and salits, coupling it with incolumis in the latter 
case. Pins uses it in a rescript {Inst. last, i. 8, 2) with 
potestas. It appears, therefore, that its use with a personal 
subject was objectionable. ^ That is, like Seneca's. 

* See Index. 



nummum Antonini aut Commodi aut Pii? Polluta 
<ista> et contaminata et varia et maculosa maculo- 
sioraque quam nutricis pallium. Omni ergo <opus 
est> opera^ si possit <fieri>^ linguam communem 
reddas; verbum aliqiiod requiras non fictum a te^ 
nam id quidem absurdum est^ sed usurpatum con- 
cinnius aut congruentius aut accommodatius. 

13. Tantum antiquUatis curaeque maioribus pro ItaUca 
gentefuity Sallustius ait. Antiguitas verbum usitatum^ 
sed nusquam isto sensu usurpatum^^ neque ideo 
probe plaeitum.. Nam volgo dicitur, quod potius sit, 
antiquius esse. Inde prorsus^ ipsa <a> Sallustio 
•Ambr. 851 derivata : et | quoniam minus clarum quod et minus 
usitatum verbum est, insequenti verbo interpretatus 
est, aniiquitatis curaeque. 

Hoc modo .... municipes sacrorum .... 
actus .... Quid .... vale .... poculum. In 
ore* plebis ad hoc pervolgatum est usque hoc genus 
verborum; Accius, Plautus, Sallustius saepenumero, 
etiam raro Tullius <usurpat> . . . .^ 

^ Mai. He marks the word communem as doubtful. 

^ For this passage see Hauler, IVien. Stud. 32, pt. 2. 

' Cod. pro . . s. Brakman prefers probes. 

* m* aures. 

' The lacunae cover more than a column. 

^ This mention of Commodus is difficult. He was named 
Caesar in 166, but did not become emperor till 177. Though 
the father of Lucius Verus was Commodus, the latter could 



for myself a com of Antoninus or Commodus^ 
or Pius? Those old words are stained and con- 
taminated and discoloured and spotted^ aye^ more 
spotted than a nurse's apron. There is need, there- 
fore, of all your pains to render your language, if 
possible, current coin; be ever on the look-out for 
some word, hot one coined by you, for that, indeed, 
is an absurdity, but used by you more elegantly or 
more aptly or more happily than by others.^ 

13. Says Sallust: Such reverent regard^ and «/fec- 
tion did our ancestors have for the ItaUan rax^e. This 
word antiquitas is often used, but nowhere employed 
in that sense,* and therefore is not properly correct. 
For it is commonly said that what is preferable is 
antiquius. Thence undoubtedly did Sallust derive 
his use of antiquitas itself; and, since a word that is 
less usual is also less clear, he interpreted it by 
means of the following word, antiquitatis curaeque. 

In this way 

In the mouths 

of the people words of this kind have hitherto always 
been in vogue ; Accius, Plautus, Sallust very often, 
even occasionally Cicero, (use them) .... 

not. have been called Commodus. Perpema was consul 
130 B.C. There is a coin of the Gens Trebania extant ; see 
Eckhel, V. 326. 

2 Fronto says : Follow the older writers. The Senecan 
style is as catching as the itch. There is purer metal in the 
older coins. What, not prefer a coin of Antoninus? Of 
course the older words are worn and discoloured with age 
and want careful handling to justify their use. 

' From Sallust's Hist. Book I. says Hauler. Servius 
quotes the passage in Verg. Georg. ii. 209. 

* Cicero seems to use it so. 

I 2 


Ambr. 422, 
Vat. 16 

Ambr. 421 

Ad Vcrum Imp. ii. 2 (Naber, p. 129). 

<Maoistro meo salutem.> 

... .1 <necessa>|rio correcta vel in tempore 
provisa vel celeriter curata vel sedulo instructa, prae- 
dieare ipse ^ apud te supersedi. Da verecundiae 
veniam, si urgentibus curis praepeditus negotia in 
manibus praeversus sum, speque tuae erga me 
beuignissimae facili talis interim in scribendo cessavi. 
Fiduciae amoris ignoseito, si piguit consilia me sin- 
gularum rerum forsitan in dies mutanda sub incerto 
adhue exitu dubia existimatione perscribere. Causam 
quaeso tam iustae cunctationis accipias. Cur igitur 
aliis quam tibi saepius ? Ut breviter absolvam : 
qUoniam quidem, nisi ita facerem, illi irascerentur, 
tu ignosceres ; illi tacerent, tu flagi tares : ^ illis offi- 
cium officio repensabam, tibi amorem pro amore 
debebam.* An velles ad te quoque me litteras invi- 
tum querentem festinantem, quia necesse erat potius 
quam quia libebat, darem ? Cur autem, inquies, 
non libebat? Quia nequedum quicquam eiusmodi 
effectum erat, ut te liberet ad gaudii societatem 
vocare. Curarum vero, quae me dies noctesque 
miserrimum habuere, et prope ad desperationem 
summae rei per|duxere, facere participem hominem 
carissimum et quern semper laetum esse cuperem, 

' The best part of a page is lost between the end of Ad 
Veruniy ii. 1, and here. ^ Heindorf for Cod. ijxsa. 

' Mahly would read flagitarent . . . taccren. 
* Heindorf for Cod. deheam. 

^ Verus is writing from Syria not long after his arrival at 
the seat of war, while the Parthians had not yet been 
definitely beaten. 



From Lucius Verus to Pronto 

rr> ^ ^. 163 A.D. 

10 my master^ greeting. 

.... I have refrained from relating to you 
myself all that had necessarily to be set right or 
provided for in good time, or quickly remedied 
or carefully arranged.^ Make allowance for my 
scrupulosity, if shackled with urgent cares I have 
dealt first with the business in hand and, count- 
ing on your good-natured indulgence towards me, 
have meanwhile given up writing. Pardon my re- 
liance on our love if I have fought shy of describing 
my measures in detail, liable as they were to daily 
alteration and while the issue was still doubtful 
and all forecast precarious. Accept, I beseech you, 
the reason for so legitimate a delay. Why, then, 
write to others oftener than to you.^ To excuse 
myself shortly : because, in fact, did I not do so, 
they would be angry, you would forgive ; they 
would give up writing, you would importune me ; 
to them I rendered duty for duty, to you I owed 
love for love. Or would you wish me to write you 
also letters unwillingly, grumblingly, hurriedly, from 
necessity rather than from choice ? Now why, you 
will say, not from choice.'* Because not even yet 
has anything been accomplished such as to make 
me wish to invite you to share in the joy. I did 
not care, I confess, to make one so very dear to me, 
and one whom I would wish to be always happy, a 
partner in anxieties which night and day made me 
utterly wretched,^ and almost brought me to despair 

^ Nazarius (Faneg. xxiv. § 6) Bays that Varus in a panic 
offered the Parthian king terms which were 'scbrnfally 
rejected, but he means Lucius. 



fateor non libebat. Nee enim illud libebat^ aliud 
dolere aliud loqui. Simulare Lucium quicquam 
adversus Frontonem ! a quo ego prius multo sim- 
plicitatem verique^ amorem quam loquendi polite 
disciplinam didicisse me praedico. Equidem pacto 
quoque^ quod inter nos iampridem intercessit^ satis 
me ad veniam impetrandam paratum esse arbitror. 
Denique^ quamquam mihi lacessitus a me saepius 
numquam tamen rescripsisses^ dolebam hercules sed 
pacti memoria non succensebam. Postremo quid 
plura? ne potius defendere me quam orare te 
videar : peccavi^ fateor : adversum quem minime 
decuit : etiam id fateor. Sed tu melior esto. Satis 
poenarum lui^ primum in eo ipso quod peccasse me 
sentio : mox quod tantis terris disiunctus^ qui te in 
vestigio exorare potuissem^ tot interea mensibus dum 
meas litteras aceipis, dum ego tuas recipio, cura dis- 
cruciabor. Adiiibeo tibi deprecatores humanitatem 
ipsam^ nam et delinquere humanum est et hominis 
Ainbr. 421 maxime proprium I ignoscere ^ 


Ad Aittoninum Imp* i. 3 (Naber, p. 101). 

Vat. 90 ad | DoMiNo meo Antonino Augusto. 

Vidi pullulos tuos^ quod quidem libentissime 
in vita mea viderim^ tam simili facie tibi ut nihil sit 

^ Heindorf for Cod. verum. 

'^ This word is from the margin of Cod. Mommsen says 
at least two leaves are lost between this word and the 
mutilated beginning of Ad Verum^ ii. 3. 



of success. Nor, indeed, did I care for the alter- 
native, to feel one thing and utter another. What, 
Lucius to make pretences to Fronto! from whom 
I do not hesitate to say I have learnt simplicity and 
the love of truth far before the lesson of polite 
phrasing. Indeed, by the compact also, which has 
long subsisted between us, I think I am sufficiently 
qualified for receiving pardon. At all events, when 
in spite of repeated appeals from me you never 
wrote, I was sorry, by heaven, but, remembering our 
compact, not angry. Finally, why say more, that I 
seem not rather to justify myself than to entreat 
you ? I have been in fault, I admit it ; against the 
last person, too, that deserved it : that, too, I admit. 
But you must be better than I. I have suffered 
enough punishment, first in the very fact that I am 
conscious of my fault, then because, though face to 
face I could have won your pardon in a moment, I 
must now, separated as I am from you by such wide 
lands, be tortured with anxiety for so many inter- 
vening months until you get my letter and I get 
your answer back. I present to you as suppliants in 
my favour humanity herself, for even to offend is 
human, and it is man s peculiar privilege to par- 
don ... .1 

Fronto to Marcus 

To my Lord Antoninus Augustus. 

I have seen your little chicks,^ and a more 
welcome sight I shall never in my life see, so like in 
features to you that nothing can be more like than the 

^ A second deprecator was probably Marcus. 

^ The twins Lucius Aurelius Commodus and Antoninus 
Geminus, bom at Lanuvium on August 31, 161, The latter 
died in 165. 



hoc simili similius. Feci prorsus compendium itin- 
eris Lorium usque^ compendium viae lubricae^ com- 
pendium clivorum arduorum : tamen vidi te non 
exadvorsum modo sed locupletius^ sive me ad dex- 
teram sive ad laevam convertissem.' Sunt autem 
dis iuvantibus colore satis salubri^ clamore forti. 
Panem alter tenebat bene candidum^ ut puer regius^ 
alter autem cibarium^ plane ut a philosopho pro- 
gnatus. Deos quaeso sit salvos sator^ salva sint sata^ 
salva seges sit^ quae tam similes procreat. Nam 
etiam voculas eorum audivi tam dulces tam venustas^ 
ut orationis tuae lepidum ilium et liquidum sonum 
nescio quo pacto in utriusque pipulo adgnoscerem. 
lam tu igitur^ nisi caves^ superbiorem aliquanto me 
experiere ; habeo enim quos pro te non oculis modo 
amem sed etiam auribus. 

Ad ArUoninum Imp, i. 4 (Naber, p. 101). 

Maoistro meo salutem. 
Vat. 89 Vidi filiolos meos^ quom | eos vidisti ; vidi et te, 

quom litteras tuas legerem. Oro te, mi magister, 
ama me ut amas ; ama me sic etiam quo modo istos 
parvolos nostros amas : nondum omne dixi quod 
volo : ama me quo modo amasti. Haec ut scriberem, 
tuarum litterarum mira iucunditas produxit. Nam 

^ The author of De Differentiis Focabulorum — possibly 
Fronto himself — explains locuples as a copia locorunu Fronto 
means that he has been able to see Mai^ct^s without going to 



likeness. I have absolutely taken a journey by short 
cut quite to Lorium^ a short cut of the slippery road^ 
a short cut of the steep ascents : nevertheless I have 
seen you not only opposite to me but in more places 
than one^^ whether I turned to the right hand or to 
the left. God be praised they have quite a healthy 
colour and strong lungs. One was holding a piece 
of white bread, like a little prince, the other a piece 
of black bread, quite in keeping with a philosopher's 
son. I beseech the Gods to bless the sower, bless 
the seed sown, bless the soil that bears a crop so 
true to stock. For even the sound of their little 
voices was so sweet, so winsome to my ear that I 
seemed, I know not how, to hear in the tiny piping ^ 
of either the clear and charming tones of your own 
utterance. Now therefore, if you do not take care, 
you will find me holding my head a good deal 
higher, for I have those whom I can love instead of 
you, not with eyes only but with ears also. 

Marcus to Fronto 

To my master, greeting. 

I saw my little sons, when you saw them; I saw 
you too, when I read your letter. I beseech you, 
my master, love me as you do love me ; love me too 
even as you love those little ones of ours : I have 
not yet said all that I want to say : love me as you 
have loved me. The extraordinary delightfulness of 
your letter has led me to write this. For as to its 

Lorium, where he apparently was, in the faces of his two 

2 cp. "Thy small pipe," Shaks. Tw, N. i. 4, 32. 



de elegantia quid dicam? nisi te Latine loqui^ nos 
ceteros neque Graece neque Latine. Domino meo 
fratri peto scriptites. Valde volt ut hoc a te im- 
petrem : desideria autem illius intemperantem me 
et violentum faciunt. Vale mi iucundissime magister. 
Nepotem tuum saluta. 

Ad Antoninum Imp. i. 5 (Naber, p. 102). 

Antonino Augusto Domino meo. 

1. Anie gestum, post relatum, aiunt qui tabulas 
sedulo confieiunt. Idem verbum epistulae huie 
opportunum est, quae litteris tuis nuper ad me 
scriptis nunc demum respondet. Causa morae fuit 
quod, quom rescribere instituissem, quaedam menti 
meae se ofFerebant non supino, ut dicitur, rostro 
seribenda. Dein senatus dies intercessit, et in 
senatu labor eo gravior perceptus, quod cum gaudio 
simul altius penetraverat, ita ut cum sole ventus. 
Nunc haec epistula, quod non suo tempore praesto 
Vat. 96 I adfuerit, veniam in dilationibus ^ usitatam poscit 
nefravdi sit. 

2. Quom accepi litteras tuas, ita rescribere coe- 
peram — Ama me vi amas, inquis. Huic verbo 
respondere paulo verbis pluribus in animo est ; pro- 
lixius enim rescribere tibi tempore illo solebam, quo 

^ Kiessling for Cod. rdationifms. 

^ Fronto seems to mean that his reply, or payment of his 
debt, was not made at once but follow^a l^ter, as the entry 
in the ledger follows the transaction, 



style what can I say? except that you. talk Latin 
while the rest of us talk neither Latin nor Greek. 
Write often, I pray you, to the Lord my brother. 
He especially wishes me to get this from you. His 
wishes, however, make me unreasonable and exact- 
ing. Farewell, my most delightful of masters. Give 
my love to your grandson. 

Fronto to Marcus 

163 A.D. 

To my Lord Antoninus Augustus. 

1. First done, then entered,^ say they who keep 
their books carefully. The same saying is applicable 
to this letter, which now at last answers your recent 
one to me. The reason of the delay has been that, 
when I made up my mind to write, some things 
came into my mind, which could not be written 
down heak in air, as the saying is. Then intervened 
the sitting of the Senate, and the labour it entailed 
was felt the more heavily in that, being simultaneous 
with my joy, it had taken deeper hold of me, just as 
the wind when combined with the sun.^ Now this 
letter, as it was not forthcoming at its due time, 
asks the indulgence usual in postponements, that it 
he without prejudice, 

2. When I received your letter, I began my 
answer thus — Love me as you do love me, you say : 
I propose to answer this phrase somewhat less briefly. 
For I used to answer your letters more at length in 

' Does Fronto mean that as the wind finds freer entrance 
to our bodies when the sun has caused us to lay aside our 
wraps, so toil makes itself more felt when joy has relaxed 
our energies? 



amatum te a me satis compertum tibi esse tute 
ostendis. Vide, quaeso, ne temet ipse defraudes et 
detrimentum amoris ultro poscas : amplius enim 
tanto amari te a me velim credas mihi, quanto omni- 
bus in rebus potior est certus praesens fructus quam 
futuri spes incerta. Egone qui indolem ingenii tui in 
germine etiam tum et in herba et in flore dilexerim, 
nunc frugem ipsam maturae virtutis nonne multo 
multoque amplius diligam ? Tum ego stolidissimiis 
habear agrestium omnium omniumque aratorum, si 
mihi cariora sint sata messibus. Ego vero <eorum> 
quae optavi quaeque vovi compos, optatorum voto- 
rumque meorum damnatus atque multatus sum : in 
cam multam duplicatum amorem tuum. defero,^ non, 
ut antiquitus multas inrogari mos fuit, mille minus 
dimidio. Assae nutricis est infantem magis diligere 
Vat. 95 quam adultum ; succensere etiam | pubertati stulta 
nutrix solet, puerum de gremio sibi abductum et 
campo aut foro traditum. Litteratores etiam isti 
discipulos suos, quoad puerilia discjiint et mercedem 
pendunt, magis diligunt. Ego quom ad curam 
cultumque ingenii tui accessi, hunc te speravi fore 
qui nunc es; in haec tua tempora amorem meum 
intendi. Lucebat in pueritia tua virtus insita, luce- 

^ Boissonade for Cod. dcsero. 

^ Cato (see Aul. Gell. vii. 3, 37) meDtions this old law, 
under which the fine for certain offences was limited to half 
a man's property less 1,000 (asses). Fronto says that, all his 
wishes and prayers for Marcus having been abundantly ful- 



those days when, as you yourself shew, you were 
sufficiently assured of my love for you. Look, I be- 
seech you, that you do not rob yourself, and of your 
own accord demand a diminution of love, for I would 
have you believe that you are so much more fully 
loved by me now, as in all things a present certain 
fruition exceeds an uncertain hope in the future. 
Shall not I, who loved the native quality of your 
genius even then, when in bud and in leaf and in 
flower, love now far far more deeply the very fruit 
of your matured excellence ? Then should I be 
deemed the most blockish of all country swains and 
all ploughmen, if I valued what was sown above 
what was harvested. I indeed, being granted all 
that I wished and prayed for, have been cast and 
fined in my very wishes and prayers : to meet that 
fine I put in my doubled love for you, not, as was 
the custom in old time for fines to be inflicted, at the 
rate of half less a thousand (asses).^ A dry-nurse 
commonly loves a baby more than an older child ; a 
foolish nurse is even prone to be angry with adoles- 
cence for taking away her boy from her arms and 
giving him over to the playground or the forum. 
Your instructors of youth too love their pupils more 
while they learn boyhood's lessons and pay their 
fees. When I was called to the care and cultivation 
of your natural powers, I hoped you would be what 
you now are ; 1 carried my love on to these your 
present days. Conspicuous in your boyhood was 
your innate excellence ; even more conspicuous was 

filled, he is bound now to perform his part of the bargain 
and pay the fine due. To meet this liability he tenders his 
doubled love for Marcus, and does not, as was the old 
custom, pay with less than half his assets. 



bat etiam magis in adulescentia : sed ita ut quom 
serenus dies inluculascit lumine inchoato. Nunc iam 
virtus integra orbe splendido exorta est et radiis 
disseminata : et ^ tu me ad pristinam illam mensuram 
lueiscentis amoris tui revocas^ et iubes matutina 
dilueula lucere meri(^e ! Audi^ quaeso^ quanto am- 
pliore nunc sis virtute quam antea fueris, quo 
facilius credas^ quanto amplius amoris merearis et 
poscere desinas tantumdem. . 

3. Ut a pietate contendere te tibimet incipiam^ 
obsequia erga patrem tua pristina commemorabo^ 
eaque cum praesentibus officiis comparabo. Quis 
ignorat^ ubi pater tuus minus valeret, te iuxta 
cum eo carere balneo^ vino aqua etiam et cibo 
temet deducere solitum ? Nulla unquam te neque 
Vat. \)5 somni neque vigiliae neque cibi | neque itineris 
Quat. xii. tua tcmpora habuisse sed patris temporibus in- 
servisse^ .... 

Ad Marcum Imp, i. 6-10, Index only (Naber, p. 93). 
Vat. 83 ad <Maoistro mco salutem> | Minus valui, mi magis- 


ter .... 

<Antonino Augusto Domino meo> Si ambulare 
iam <poteris>5 .... 

<Magistro meo salutem> Festino, mi magister^ 
<scribere> .... 

* Klussmann for Cod. eat. 

^ The last nine words are from the margin of Cod. , except 
that there the verbs are given in the indicative. 

* Or perhaps ^o^ro. 



it in your youth ; but in such a way as when a cloud- 
less day begins to break with newly-dawning light. 
Now already your full excellence has risen with 
dazzling disc and spread its rays on every side : and 
yet you call me back to that bygone measure of my 
dawning love for you^ and bid the morning twilight 
shine at noonday ! Hear, I pray you, how much 
enhanced beyond your former is your present ex- 
cellence, that you may more easily understand how 
much larger a measure of love you deserve, while 
you cease to claim only as much. 

3. To begin my comparison of yourself to yourself 
with your dutifulness, I will mention your bygone 
devotion to your father,^ and contrast it with your 
present attention to duty. Who does not know 
that, when your father was unwell, you used to dis- 
continue baths in order to keep him company, deny 
yourself wine, even water and food ; that you never 
studied your own convenience in the matter of sleep 
or waking or food or exercise, but sacrificed every- 
thing to your father's convenience ? . . . . 

Five Letters between Marcus and Fronto of which 


163 A.D. 

To my master, greeting. I have been unwell, my 
master .... 

To my Lord Antoninus Augustus. If you can 
walk yet .... 

To my master, greeting. I hasten to write, my 
master .... 

^ His adoptive father Pius. Marcus's pietas is also men- 
tioned Capit. v. § 8, vii. § 2, and Dio, Ixxi. 35. 


• • • 


<Antonino Augusto Domino meo> Non reticebo 

» • • . 

<Magistro meo salutem> Ego^ mi magister^ 

• • • 

Vat 144 
from a 
new Quat. 

Ad Antonihum Imp, ii. 3 (Naber, p. 106). 

<MAGisTRa meo salutem.> 

.... <quom nihil magis explo>|ratum ^tque 
expeditum sit^ mi magister^ quam tua clemens in 
ofiiciis adversum te nostris interpretatio. Scribe ^ 
igitur Domino meo pollicenti tibi multas suas litteras 
comperisse te ex me quae mandavit. Tum cetera 
adfectionis et comitatis tuae subnecte^ mi magister ; 
nam in litteris tuis^ ut aequom est, adquiescit. 

Ego biduo isto, nisi quod noctumi somni cepi, 
nihil intervalli habui : quam ob rem nondum legere 
epistulam prolixiorem ^ Domino meo a te scriptam 
potui, sed crastinam opportunitatem avide prospicio. 
Vale mi iucundissime magister. Nepotem saluta. 

Ad Verum Imp. ii. 1 (Naber, p. 119). 

Ambr. 446, | DoMiNo meo Vcro Augusto salutem. 
^^'.^ed. 1- 1*°^ ^^^} Imperator, esto erga me ut voles 

utque tuus animus feret; vel tu me neglegito vel 

* Naber for Cod. scriho. " The following letter. 

^ Lucius Verus, his colleague. 

' I'his long letter to Lucius in Syria was written on the 
victorious conclusion of the Armenian portion of the great 
Parthian war, when Lucius received the title Armenia£%i8. 
Besides flattering Lucius on the military successes, he praises 
the eloquence of nis despatch to the senate. The rest of the 
letter is a glorification of eloquence, in which he includes all 



To my Lord Antoninus Augustus. I will not hide 
from you .... 

To my master, greeting. I, my master ...» 

Marcus Antoninus to Fronto 

T" i„ i J.' 163 A.D. 

1 o my toaster greeting. 

.... since nothing is more to be counted upon 
and more readily given, my master, than the kindly 
construction you put upon our services in respect to 
yourself. Write then to my Lord,^ who promises 
you many letters in return, that you have receivecj 
his message from me. Add also other tokens of 
your affection and good-nature, my master, for he 
rests on them, as he has every reason to do. 

For the last two days 1 have had no respite except 
such sleep as I have got at night : consequently I 
have had no time as yet to read your lengthy letter 
to my. Lord, but I greedily look forward to an 
opportunity of doing so to-morrow. Farewell, my 
most delightful of masters. Love to your grandson. 

Fronto to Lucius Verus 

To my Lord Verus Augustus, greeting.^ 

I. From this moment, O Emperor, treat me as 
you please and as your feelings. prompt you. Neglect 

good literaturCj shewing its essential importance to the ruler 
and the general in the field. Unfortunately the letter is 
much mutilated, and many interesting passages' are only 
partially intelligible. The last part is taken up wifli a 
comparison between Lucius's despatch and other historical 
documents of a similar character. The picture of the de- 
moralisied army is given again in the Principia ffistoriae, but 
the restoration of discipline was the work of Avidius Cassius 
sfcnd Martius Verus and the other generals. 




etiam spernito, nihil denique honoris impertito, 
<in> postremis/ si videbitur, habeto. Nihil est ita 
durum aut ita iniurium, quod me ^ facere adversum, 
Ambr, 482 | si maxime velis, possis^ quin ego ex te. gaudiis 
amplissimis abundem. 

Virtutes tuas bellicas et militaria facinora tua 
atque consul ta me nunc laudare tu forsitan putes. 
Quibus ego rebus, tametsi sunt pulcherrimae in rem 
publicani imperiumque populi Romani, optimae 
amplissimae, tam<en> iis ego rebus laetandis viri- 
lem pro ceteris portionem voluptatis capio; ex 
eloquentia autem tua, quam scriptis ad senatum 
litteris declarasti, ego iam hie triumpho. 

2. Recepi, recepi, habeoque teneoque omnem abs te 
cumulatam parem gratiam : possum iam de vita laeto 
animo excedere, magno operae meae pretio percepto 
magnoque monumento ad aeternam gloriam relicto. 
Magistrum me tuum fuisse aut sciunt omnes homines 
aut opinantur aut vobis credunt : quod equidem 
parcius mihimet adrogarem, nisi vos ultro praedi- 
caretis : id quoniam vos praedicatis, ego nequeo 

3. Bellicae igitur tuae laudis et adoreae multos 
habes administros, multaque armatorum milia undi- 
que gentium accita victoriam tibi adnituntur et 
adiuvant : eloquentiae vir<tus>,^ ausim dicere, meo 

^ Pearce extremis, ^ Klussmann for Cod. mihi. 

* Hauler ( Wieii. Stud. 26, p. 344) gives this as the reading 
of the Codex for Mai's veto, Brakman gives eloquentia tuff, 


me^ or even despise me^ in a word shew me no 
honour^ put me, if you will, with the lowest. There 
is nothing you can do against me, however much in 
earnest you are, so harsh or unjust, that you should 
not be for me the source of the most abounding 

Perhaps you may think that it is your warlike 
qualities and your military achievements and strategy 
that I am now praising. True, they are most 
glorious for the state and Empire of the Roman 
people, none better or more magnificent, yet in 
rejoicing over them I but take my individual share 
of delight proportionably with others ; but in the 
case of your eloquence, of which you gave such plain 
evidence in your despatch to the Senate, it is I 
who triumph indeed. 

2. I have received, I have received, and I have and 
hold a full return from you in like measure heaped 
high : I can now depart this life with a joyous heart, 
richly recompensed for my labours and leaving be- 
hind me a mighty monument to my lasting fame. 
That I was your master all men either know or 
suppose or believe from your lips : indeed, I should 
be shy of claiming this honour for myself did you 
not yourselves both proclaim it : since you do pro- 
claim it, it is not for me to deny it. 

3. In your military glory and success you have 
many instruments, and many thousands of armed 
men called up from every nation under heaven spend 
themselves and lend their aid to win victory for you : 
but your supremacy in eloquence has been gained, 
I may make bold to say, under my leadership, O 

but as Mai and Hauler see the letters v and r, it seems as if 
the reading may be eloquenlia vero tua, 

K 2 


Arabr. 481 ductu^ Caesar^ meoque auspicio parta^ est . . | . , 

Vat. 14 I . , spolia .... <regi>2 Par- 

thorum prompte et graviter respondisti. Scilicet 
hoc te a centurionibus vel primipilaribus, elegantis- 
simis altercatoribus, didicisse ? Dausara et Nicepho- 
r<i>um et Artaxata ductu auspicioque tuo armis capta 
sunt^ sed arcem munitam et invictam et inexpugna- 
bilem^ quae in fratris tui pectore sita est, ad nomen 
Armeniaci quod recusaverat sumendum, quis alius 
quam tu, aut quibus aliis tu quam eloquentiae copiis 
• adortus es? Comitem tibi ad impetrandum adscisti 
exercitum, sed loquentem exercitum oratione pug- 
nantem. In ea tu parte litterarum tuarum, ut 
fratrem amantem decuit, sententiis magis crebris ^ et 
dulcibus usus es et verba modulatius collocasti ; quas 
quom legerem — in senatu enim per valetudinem non^ 
potui adesse — quom eloquentia tua fratrem tuum 
urgeri viderem, ita cum tacitis cogitationibus meis 
compellabam : Quid hoc rei est, Antonine ? Nam tibi 
Vat. 13 video nomen quod recusaveras accipiendum esse et de 
sententia decedendum. Quid nunc meae, quid pkiloso- 
pkorum litterae agunt ? lAtteris militis vincimur, Ec- 
quid autem <parum>^ pulchre scripsisse videtur ? Num- 
quod verhum insolens aut intempestivom ? Aut nwn ego 

^ m* has iiata. 

2 Eight lines are lost from the beginning of Vat. 14. 

• No convincing emendation of this unsatisfactory reading 
has been proposed, cp. however Cicero, quoted in Suet. 
Caes. 55. * Klussmann. 

1 See ii. 213. 

' Dausara was near Edessa and Nicephorium on the 



Caesar, and under my auspices 

Your answer to the Parthian king^ was 

prompt and weighty. Of course you learnt this 
from your centurions or front-rankers, those truly 
polished disputants ! Dausara and Nicephorium 
and Artaxata^ were taken by storm under your 
leadership and auspices, but that fortified and un- 
conquered and impregnable citadel, which is planted 
in your brother's breast, against the assumption of 
the title Armeniacus,^ which he had refused, who 
other than you assaulted, and you with what other 
weapons than those of eloquence ? You called in as 
your ally in winning your way an army, but a vocal 
army fighting with words. In that part of your 
letter, as befitted a loving brother, your thoughts 
were more closely packed and took a tenderer cast, 
and you arranged your words more rhythmically. 
When I read them — for I was too unwell to be 
present in the Senate — and perceived your brother 
to be hard pressed by your eloquence, I thus apo- 
strophized him in my unspoken thoughts : What do 
you* say to this, Antoninus ? I see that you will have to 
take the title which you have declined , and retreat, from 
your resolve. What is the use now of my letters y what 
of the letters of philosophers ? We are outdone by a 
soldier s letter. Is there anything, think you, less than 
ddmirahle in the writing? any unusual or unseasonable 
word ? Or do I seem to you to have trained a vain- 

Upper Euphrates in Mesopotamia. Artaxata was the capital 
of Armenia. 

• Capit. ( Vit. Mar. ix. § 2) says this title was bestowed on 
both emperors after the successful campaign of Statins 
Priscus in Armenia in 163, but refused at first by Marcus. 
It appears on his coins late in 164, and he dropped it on the 
death of Lucius in 169. 



tibi videor glonosum militem erudisse ? . Quin, quod voiis 
omnibus expetisti, habes Jrairem fortem, ^^ virum boTium 
dicefidi peritum " : eadem enim dicit ille quae in, sed ea 
minus muUis^ ille quam tu, 

4t, Quom maxime haec ego mecum agitabam^ ora- 
tioni tuae successit Antonini oratio — Di boni^ quam 
pulchra, quam vera multa ! Plane dicta omnia et 
verba delenifica pietate et fide et amore et desiderio 
delibuta. Quid <ergo ? Utrum>2 inter duos ambos ^ 
meos, petitoremne an unde peteretur, magis laud- 
arem? Antoninus erat cum imperio obsequens; tu 
autem^ Luci, cum obsequio eras prae amore imperi- 
osus. Eas ego orationes ambas quom dextra laevaque 
manu mea gestarem, amplior mihi et ornatior vide- 
bar daduchis Eleusinae faces gestantibus et regibus 
sceptra tenentibus et quindecimviris libros adeun- 
tibus ; deosque patrios ita comprecatus sum : Hammo 
Vat. 29 Juppiter, te Liby<ae deum, oro> . , | . . deorum etiam 
partim eloquentes se quam tacitos coli maluerunt 
.... contumacia ego .... sinit .... pervica- 
cibus eloquentia incutiatur. Ne fulmen quidem 
aeque terreret nisi cum tonitru caderet. Ea ipsa 
tonandi potestas non Diti Patri neque Neptuno ne- 
que deis ceteris sed imperatori summo lovi tradita 
est, ut fragoribus nubium et sonoribus procellarum, 

* sc. verbis, 

* Mai fills the gap with agercm turn. Brakman reads the 
Codex as Quib <:us> ver . . . 

^ For the late-Latin reduplication cp. ii. 92, antiqui vctercs, 
Klussmann would read amicos. 


glorious soldier ? Nay, you have what you have asked 
for in all your prayers, a brave brother, " a good man 
skilled in speaking" ^ He says the same things as yoit, 
but expresses them more concisely than yon, 

4. At the very moment, when I was turning this 
over in my mind, following yours came the speech of 
Antoninus — Good heavens, how many admirable 
things, how many true ! Every saying, every word 
quite fascinating, steeped in loyal affection and trust 
and love and longing. What then ? which of both 
my two friends, the petitioner or the petitioned, 
should I praise the more ? Antoninus with all his 
imperial power was complaisant, but you, Lucius, 
with all your complaisance, were for very love 
imperious. Carrying those two speeches in my right 
hand and my left, methought I was more honoured 
and more richly adorned than the priests of Eleusis 
carrying their torches, and kings holding sceptres in 
their hands, and the quindecimvirs opening the 
Sacred Books; and thus did I make my prayer to 
my ancestral 2 Gods : Jupiter Ammon, I beseech thee, 
Libyans God .... some of the Gods also preferred 
to be worshipped as speaking rather than as silent 

the obstinate be inoculated 

with eloquence. Even the levin-bolt would lose 
half its terror did it not fall to the accompaniment of 
thunder. That very power of thundering was not 
committed to Father^ Dis or to Neptune or to the 
other Gods, but to their sovran emperor Jove, that 
by the crashing of clouds and the roaring of storms, 

* A phrase found in the Elder Seneca {Controv. i.) and 
Quint. ( Insfit. i. pr. ). It apparently originated with Cato. 

* Fronto was a native of Cirta. 


Vat. 30 velut quibusdam caelestibus vocibus, altissimum | im- 
perium a contemptu vindicaret. 

5. Igitur si veruiri imperatorem generis humani 
quaeritis, eloquentia vestra^ imperat, eloquentia 
mentibus dominatur. Ea metum ineutit, amorem 
conciliat, industriam excitat, impudentiam extin- 
guit, virtutem cohortatur, vitia confutat, suadet^ 
mulcet, docet, consolktur. Denique provoco audac- 
ter et condicione vetere : omittite eloquentiam et 
'imperate; orationes in senatu habere omittite et 
' Armenian! subigite. Alii quoque duces ante vos 

Armeniam subegerunt; sed una- mehercules tua epis- 
tula, una tui fratris de te tuisque virtu tibus oratio 
nobilior ad gloriam et ad posteros celebratior erit 
quam plerique principum triumphi. Ventidius ille^ 
postquam Parthos fudit fugavitque^ ad victoriam 
suam praedicandam orationem a C. Sallustio mutuatus 
est, et Nerva facta sua in senatu verbis rogaticiis 2 
commendavit. Item plerique ante parentes vestros 
prdpemodum infantes et elingues principes fuerunt, 
qui de rebus militiae a se gestis nihil magis loqui 
possent quam galeae loquuntur. 

6. Postquam respublica a magistratibus annuis ad 
C. Caesarem et mox ad Augustum tralata est, Caesari 

Ambr. 412; quidcm facultatcm dicendi ^ideo | imperatoriam ^ 
Quatii. fuisse, Augustum vero saeculi residua elegantia^ .et 

^ Here Fronto addresses both emperors. 

'•^ ^largin of Cod. has rogcUariis. 

^ Naber for Ccwl. imperatomn. 

* Niebuhr for Cod. residid clcijanUr. 



as by some voice from heaven, lie might safeguard 
his supreme sovranty from contempt. 

5. Therefore, if you seek a veritable sovran of 
the human race, it is your eloquence that is sovran, 
eloquence that sways men's minds. It inspires fear, 
wins love, is a spur to effort, puts shame to silence, ex- 
horts to virtue, exposes vices, urges, soothes, teaches, 
consoles. In fine, I challenge boldly and on an old 
condition— give up eloquence and rule ; give up 
making speeches in the Senate and subdue Armenia. 
Other leaders before you have subdued Armenia; 
but, by heaven, your single letter, your brother's 
single speech on you and your merits will be as 
regards fame more ennobling, and as regards pos- 
terity more talked of, than many a triumph of 
princes. The famous Ventidius,^ when he had de- 
feated and dispersed the Parthians, to proclaim his 
victory borrowed a speech from C. Sallustius ; and 
Nerva commended his acts in the Senate with words 
requisitioned from others. Moreover, most of the 
emperors that preceded your progenitors were virtu- 
ally dumb and inarticulate, and were no more able 
to speak of their military achievements than could 
their helmets. 

6. When the Commonwealth had been transferred 
from yearly magistrates to C. Caesar and anon to 
Augustus, I perceive, indeed, that Caesar's gift of 
speech was that of an imperator,^ while Augustus 
was, I think, master of but the dying elegance of his 

* Ventidius Bassiis was enslaved as a child in the Social 
war. As legatus of Antony fifty years later he defeated 
the Parthians, and attained the unique distinction of a 
triumph over them. 

* cp. Suet. Caes. 55. Montaigne (i. 25) speaks of "the 
soldier-like elo(juence, as Suetonius calleth that of Caesar." 


Latinae linguae etiam turn integro lepore potius 
quam dicendi ubertate praeditum puto. Post Aug- 
ustum nonnihil reliquiarum iam et vietarum et 
tabescentium Tiberio illi superfuisse. Imperatores 
autem deinceps ad Vespasianum usque eiusmodi om- 
nes ut non minus verborum puderet, quam pigeret 
morum et misereret facinorum. 

7. Quod quis dicat, non enim didicerant, cur ergo 
imperabant ? Aut imperarent gestu c^nseo, ut his- 
triones ; aut nutu ut muti ; aut per interpretem ut 
barbari. Quis eorum oratione sua aut senatum ad- 
fari, quis edietum, quis epistulam suismet verbis com- 
ponere potuit ? Quasi phrenitis morbus quibus im- 
plicitus est, aliena eloquentes imperitabant ; ut tibiae 
sine ore alieno mutae erant. 

8. Imperium autem non potestatis tantummodo 
vocabulum sed etiam orationis ^ est : quippe vis im- 
perandi iubendo vetandoque exercetur. Nisi bene 
facta laudet, nisi perperam gesta reprehendat, nisi 
hortetur ad virtutem, nisi a vitiis deterreat, nomen 
suum deserat et imperator frustra appelletur .... 

Ambr. 411 Ipartum^ subdere nefarium, falsam pugnam deferre 
militare flagitium, testimonium falsum dicere capital 
visum est .... 

9. . . . . veteris eloquentiae colorem adumbra- 
tum ostendit Hadriana oratio ^ . . . . Osiris .... 

* The marginal gloss is : <de> impcratorc quoad scicns esse 
debet et litterarum. 

^ For the whole of this passage see Hauler, JFieyi. Sittd. 
25, pt. 1, pp. 162 ff. He says that he is reserving many 
other restorations in this letter for his forthcoming etlition. 

* From the margin of Cod. 



times and such charm as the Latin tongue still 
retained unimpaired^ rather than of opulent diction. 
After Augustus a few relics only, withered already 
and decaying, were left over for the notorious 
Tiberius. But his successors without a break to 
Vespasian were all of such a kind as to make us no 
less ashamed of their speaking than disgusted with 
their characters and sorry for their acts.^ 

7. But should one say^es, for they had not been taught, 
why, then, did they bear rule ? That they might ex- 
ercise it, I presume, either by gestures, like actors, or 
with signs like the dumb, or through an interpreter 
like foreigners. Which of them could address people 
or Senate in a speech of his own ? which draw up 
an edict or a rescript in his own words ? They ruled 
but as the mouthpiece of others, like men in the 
phrensy of delirium : they were as pipes that are 
only vocal with another's breath. 

8. Now sovranty is a word that connotes not only 
power but also speech, since the exercise of sovranty 
practically consists in bidding and forbidding. If 
he did not praise good actions, if he did not blame 
evil doings, if he did not exhort to virtue, if he did 
not warn off from vice, a ruler would belie his name 
and be called sovran to no purpose .... to foist 
in a changeling was accounted abominable, to publish 
a false bulletin a military crime, to give false witness 
a capital offence • • . . 

9 Hadrian's speech affects a spurious 

pretence of ancient eloquence ^ . . . . Osiris 

* But Josephus (HisU of J^iws, xix. 3, 5) and Tacitus 
{Ann. xiii. 5) speak highly of the eloquence of Gaius {i.e, 

2 For Hadrian's rococo tastes see Spart. Hadr. xvi. 5. 



scilicet de facundiae mulo taceo : lyrae impar appel- 
Ambr. 420 latur . . . . | apparem, non darem .... deus 
. . . .at alia turn est. 

10. Plerisque etiam indignis^ patei-nus locus im- 
perium per manus detulit : haud secus quam puUis, 
quibus omnia generis insignia ab ovo iam insita^ 
sunt, cristae et plumae et cantus et vigiliae, regum 
pueris in utero matris summa iam potestas destinata 
est : opstetricis manu imperium adipiscuntur .... 

11. Inter Romulum et Remum diversis montibus 
augur<antes aves de> rerum summa iudicaverunt. 
Et regnum Persarum .... equom .... seponet 
.... non cursu sed <equorum> priore hinnitu^ 
.... paratus non .... aquilae et . . , . non si 

Ambr. 420, 1 2. I Insidiis saepe aliorum et coniurationibus 

col. 2, line 11 , , i-.. • JTJ1. 

ademptum ahis imperium ad alios delatum scimus. 

Sed neque inventa eloquentia potest adimi neque 

morte adempta in alium transferri.* Tecum f rater 

Ambr. 419 tuus iustc probatis ^ facta Romuli .... | ... . 

Ambr. 418 | . . . . 

13. Ia7n Cato Hispaniam recuperahat, iam Gracchus 
locahat Adam et Kartkagifiem vintim dividebai ^ . . . . 

^ For Cod. indigmis. 

2 The margin gives praesto for this word. 

^ From the margin, but it is not clear where the sentence 
belongs. Naber gives further fragments from the text of 
Cod.: e.g. <princi>palus < rerum Jio7)ianarum> . . . .prior 
(Brakman priorew) nemo. 

•* For what follows see Hauler, Wien. Stud. 33, Pt. 1. 

^ Query jn'obat ea. Brakman reads the first three words of 
the sentence as Ego miratus tuo. 



.... of course I pass over the mule of eloquence :^ 
he is labelled as no expert at the lyre 

10. To many even unworthy sons the father's 
place has handed down the sovranty : just as chicks 
have all the marks of their kind present in them 
even from the egg, namely combs and feathers and 
crowing and wakeful ways, so for the sons of kings 
even in their mother's womb is supreme power 
destined : they receive the sovranty at the midwife's 
hand . • . • 

11. Between Romulus and Remus, as they took 
the auguries on separate hills, birds decided the 
question of sovranty, and one of the Persian kings 
(is said in old days to have gained) the kingdom 
not by a race but by priority in the neighing of his 

12. We know that the plots and conspiracies of 
others have often deprived one man of his sovranty ' 
and handed it over to another. But eloquence when 
once found can neither be taken away, nor when 
taken away by death be transferred to another. 
With you your brother approves these deeds of 

13. Cato was already recovering Spain, Gracchus 
already farming Asia and parcelling Carthage out among 
individual settlers .... Now, Marcus Tullius was 

^ There was a proverb ovos X^ipas, "an ass at the lyre.'* 
qo. Lucian, Be Merc, Cond. 25 : J)ial, Meretr. 14 ; Adv, 
Ind. 4. 

2 I have given the probable meaning of the mutilated 
passage, aacordirig to Naber's view of it ; cp. Min. Felix, 
Octaviu!*, xviii. 6, and see Herod, iii. 84. 

• From the margin, and quoted, says Hauler, from Sallust, 
who he asserts is mentioned in the previous lacuna. 



lam M. TulHus summum supremumque os Romanae 
Ambr. 417 linguae fuit ^ .... I ... . vellet, Cicero autem 
modulatius ; vos utriusque gratiam sectantes meam 
moderantis viam vaditis.^ 

14. Extant epistulae utraque lingua partim ab 
ducibus ipsis conscriptae, partim a scriptoribus his- 
toriarum vel annalium compositae, ut ilia Thueydidis 
nobilissima Niciae duels epistula ex Sicilia missa ; 
item apud Gaium Sallustium ad Arsacen regem Mitli- 
ridatis auxilium implorantis litterae criminosae ; et 
Cn. Pompeii ad senatum de stipendio litterae graves ; 
et Adherbalis apud Cirtas astu^ obsessi invidiosae 
litterae ; verum omnes^ uti res postulabat, breves nee 
ullam rerum gestarum expeditionem eontinentes. In 
hune autem modum^ quo scripsisti tu, extant Catuli 
litterae, qujbus res a se iacturis atque damnis gestas 
ut lauro merendas* historici exemplo exposuit; verum 
turgent <ea> elate prolata teneris prope verbis. 
Historia tamen potius splendide perscribenda ; si ad 
senatum perscriberetur^ etiam caute. PoUio Asinius 
iubilatus Consiliorum suorum si in formam epistulae 
contulisset necessario brevius et expeditius et den- 

* From the margin. 

^ For this passage see Hauler, Versam. d. deulsch, Philol. 50, 
and IFien. Stud. 31, Pt. 1. 
' Query arte ( = arete), 

* We seem to require omandas (Pearce) or laurum mererUes, 



the chiefest and supreme mouthpiece of the Roman 
tongue .... but Cicero more rhythmically : ^ both 
of you, aspiring to the charm of either, go the way 
that I guide you. 

14. There are extant letters in both languages, 
partly written by actual leaders, partly composed by 
the writers of histories or annals, such as that most 
memorable letter in Thucydides of the general ISicias^ 
sent from Sicily ; also in Gaius Sallustius, the letter 
full of invective from Mithridates to Arsaces^ the 
king, entreating his help ; and the dignified despatch 
of Gnaeus Pompeius to the Senate touching his sol- 
diers* pay;* and the recriminatory letter of Adherbal 
while treacherously beleaguered at Cirta ; ^ but all, as 
the occasion required, short and without any descrip- 
tion of events. In the style, however, of your letter 
there is extant a despatch of Catulus, in which he 
has set forth in the historical manner his own ex* 
ploits, cheiquered with losses and failure, as de- 
serving of the laurel crown. But there is a touch of- 
bombast in these high-flown periods, couched in 
words almost plaintive.® History, however, should 
rather be written in the grand style and, if written 
for the Senate, with restraint as well. If Asinius 
Pollio had thrown the jubilations of his Counsels 
into the form of a letter, in a style necessarily 
terser, readier, and more compact, even if here and 

^ He is being contrasted probably with Cato. 
2 Thuc. vii. 11-16. « Sallust, Hist. iv. 

* ibid. Hist. iii. The letter wis from Spain ; see Plutarch, 
Life of SertoriuSy ad fin. 

* ibid. Bell. Jug. 24. If arte be read, translate straitly, 

® cp. Cic. Brut. 132, where he speaks of Catulus' book 
Dc Consulatu et de rebus gestis suis as written molli et Xeno" 
phonteo geture sermonis, 



•sius, si quod interdum respondit^ inornatius, scrip- 
sisset melius.f 

15. Tuae litterae et eloquentes sunt ut oratoris, 

Ambr. 408 stre|nuae ut ducis, graves ut ad senatum^ ut de re 
militari non redundantes. Nam neque .... eius 
.... de ... . brevitatis .... coartatis .... 
fuit. Quis imperator, <ali>quid ^ ad senatum quom 
debet loqui, epistulam scriberet ? Eaque tibi 
facultas . . . . de quibus scribendum erat quom 
.... dum . . . . se denique .... cum iam 
.... vita sicut prius quamquam prov .... 
ad populum dicere et .... quod ^ . . , vos 
.... exercitus insuper aut- .... meo non ipse 
.... vel 'quod .... nos .... vel quod So- 
haemo potius quam Vologaeso regnum Armeniae 
dedisset ; aut quod Pacorum regno privasset ; nonne ^ 
oratione huiusmodi explicari vis atque Nepos de re 
Numantina id epistula eo minore vi ; Bella insupra 
undique viri e nationihus adducti Hispaniae aderant 

Ambr. 407 . . . | operam gestantes .... scriptae .... 

16 Summum eloquentiae genus est de sublim- 

Anibr. 406 ihiis magnifice, de tenuihus frugaliier dicere ^ . . . . | 
» . . . solitatim 

Ambr. 405 ( . . cgo liac re ... . 

^ Pearce suggests res poscit. We should at least expect 
rcsj)07ifiisset. ^ Niebuhr. 

? What follows is Hauler'sjestoration of the text from the 

* From the margin of Cod. The words are Cicero's {Oral. 
29). ' Solitatim is also from the margin. 

^ For PoUio's style see Seneca, Ep. 100, 7. Maccus took 
a dislike to this author ; see i. p. 140. 



there he did make some answer with a want of finish^ 
he would have written better. ^ 

15. Your letter is both eloquent^ as being an 
orator s, strenuous, as being a general's, dignified, as to 
the Senate, and, as on a matter military, not over- 
loaded. For neither 

What imperator, 

when it is his duty to say something to the Senate, 
would write a letter? You, having no opportunity 
(of speaking to them) .... about which you had 
to write 

that he had given 

the kingdom of Armenia to Sohaemus ^ rather than 
to Vologaesus ; or that he had deprived Pacorus ^ of 
his kingdom ; do you not wish this to be set forth in 
a speech after the manner in which Nepos on the 
Numantine affair described it in a letter so much 
less forcibly, thus : in the above-mentianed war men 
drawn Jrom ail the nations of Spain were present 

16. The supremest eloquence is to speak of sublime 
things in the grand style, of homely things in simple 


2 A coin of Lucius, a.d. 164, with legend Bex Armeniis 
datiLs (Cohen, iii. 189, Plate 1), shews us Lucius giving 
Sohaemus the crown. He had been driven from his king- 
dom by the Parthians, and became senator and consul at 
Rome ; for which see Photius, 94. 

^ A sarcophagus with an inscription by this Aurelius 
Pacorus to his brother is extant. See Corp. Inscr. Grace. 
3559. Vologaesus had made him King of Armenia. 


VOL. II. I' 


vicum . . , . ubi .... eos apud .... ab 
elo<quentia> .... viso .... neque officii obses 
.... quam philosopham .... nihil .... qui- 
dem .... sumpsit se . . . . valeat. Hinc quae 
.... magis minusve . . . . ut principio incre- 
pandum ; ut post principia .... ubi gradus .... 
habenis eloquentia per . . . .^ quando .... 

17. Etiam Viriathus etiam Spartacus belli scientes 
et manu prompti fuere. Sed enim omnes uni- 
versos, quicumque post Romam conditam oratores 
extiteruntj illos etiam quos in Bruto Cicero eloquen- 
tiae civitate gregatim donavit, si numerare velis, vix 
trecentorum numerum complebis, quom^ ex una 
Fabiorum familia trecenti milites fortissimi pro 
patria dimicantes uno die occubuerint. Non gent- 
ium multa niilia .... sub pellibus .... unum 

Ambr. 414 etiam .... quem tu | . . asinus^ 

.... ad summam eloquentiae .... ubi res 
postulate .... sive de re submittere * <orationem> 

Ambr. 418 | . . frustra scd ad ... . *fidei com- 

memoratae. Ceteros ars ac . . . . opes .... quo 
.... binos egenum meminisse.^ 

18. His te consiliis^ Imperator, a prima pueritia 
tua non circus ^ profecto nee lorica sed Ij^ri et litter- 
arum disciplina imbuebant. Quom multa eiusmodi 
consiliosa exempla in historiis et in orationibus lecti- 
tares, ad rem militarem magistra eloquentia usus es. 

^ Fourteen letters, of which the last three are -dum, 
2 Mai for Cod. qiLod. ^ From the margin. 

* These four words are from the margin. 
? These fragments from the beginning of 414 represent 
eighteen lines. ^ Cornel, suggests clipeus. Possibly cassis. 



17. Even Viriathus^ and even Sjiartacus^ were 
skilled in war and quick to strike. But indeed^ if you 
wish to count up the full tale of all the orators^ as many 
as have existed since the foundation of Rome^ includ- 
ing those whom Cicero in his Brutus endowed whole- 
sale with the franchise of eloquence, you will scarcely 
make up the number of three hundred all told^ 
while from one family of the Fabii there fell fighting 
for their country in one day three hundred soldiers^ 
the bravest of the brave. Not of races many thou- 

to the height of 

eloquence .... where the subject calls for it 
.... or to speak on a matter in a lower key 

18. It was surely, Imperator, not the circus or 
the breastplate that instilled these wise ideas into 
you from your earliest boyhood, but books and train- 
ing in letters. When you read many instances of 
this kind, fruitful of wise suggestion, in histories and 
speeches, you used eloquence as your mistress in the 
art of war. 


^ A Lusitanian guerilla chief (147 b.c.) who defied the 
RomaDS for many years. 

^ A Thracian slave and gladiator who raised an in 
surrection and held out in Italy itself for two years 
7»-71 B.C. 

L 2 


19. Exercitus tibi traditus erat luxuria et lascivia 
et otio diutino corruptus. Milites Antiochiae adsidue 
plaudere histrionibus consueti, saepius in nemore^ 
vicinae ganeae quam sub signis habiti. Equi incuria 
horridi, equites volsi : raro brachium aut crus militum 
hirsutum. Ad hoc vestiti melius quam armati, adeo 
ut vir gravis et veteris disciplinae Laelianus Pontius 
lorieas partim eorum digitis primoribus scinderet ; 

Vat. 15 equos pulvillis instratos animadverteret ; | iussu eius 
comicula consecta^ a sedilibus equitum pluma quasi 
anseribus devolsa. Pauci militum equum subli- 
mitus insilire, ceteri aegre ealce genu poplite ere- 
pere;2 baud multi vibrantes hastas, pars maior 
sine vi et vigore tamquam lanceas^ iacere. Alea 
in castris frequens, somnus pernox aut' in vino 

20. Huiuscemodi milites quibus imperiis contineres 
et ad frugem atque industriam converteres, nonne te 
Hannibalis duritia^ Africani disciplina^ Metelli ex- 
empla historiis perscripta docuerunt? Ipsum hoc 
tuum a te diutina prudentia consultum^ quod non 
ante signis conlatis manum cum hostibus conseruisti 
quam levibus proeliis et minutis victoriis militem 

' Cornel, suggests nidore, from Cic. In Pis, 6. 
 Klussmann for Cod. repere. 
' Jordan for Cod. laneaa. 

^ cp. below, Princ, Hist, ad med. and Ad Aw. i. 6. 
^ cp. Lucian, Be Salt : ol *Ai/Tioxt«^» . . • ir6\is upxv<^^^ 
fidXiara irp€<rfit6ouffa, 



19. The army you took over was demoralized with 
luxury and immorality^ and prolonged idleness. 
The soldiers at Antioch ^ were wont to spend their 
time clapping actors, and were more often found in 
the nearest cafe-garden than in the ranks. Horses 
shaggy from neglect, but every hair plucked from 
their riders ; a rare sight was a soldier with arm 
or leg hairy. Withal the men better clothed than 
armed, so much so that -Pontius Laelianus,^ a man of 
character and a disciplinarian of the old school, in 
some cases ripped up their cuirasses with his finger- 
tips ; he found horses saddled with cushions, and by 
his orders the little pommels on them were slit open 
and the down plucked from their pillions as from 
geese. Few of the soldiers could vault upon their 
steeds, the rest scrambled clumsily up by dint of 
heel or knee or ham; not many could make their 
spears hurtle, most tossed them like toy lances with- 
out v^ve and vigour. Gambling was rife in camp : 
sleep night-long, or, if a watch was kept, it was over 
the wine-cups. 

20. By what disciplinary measures you were to 
break-in soldiers of this stamp and make them ser- 
viceable- and strenuous did you not learn from the 
dourness of Hannibal, the stern discipline of Afri- 
canus, the exemplary methods of Metellus,* of which 
histories are full ? This very precaution of yours, a 
lesson drawn from long study, not to engage the 
enemy in a pitched battle until you had seasoned your 
men with skirmishes and minor successes— did you 

' We know his curstts Jwruyrum from Corp. Inscr. Lat. vi. 

* Probably Q. Caeciliua Metellus, called NtimidicuSj who 
conducted the war against Jugurtha in 109 B.C.; see below, 
Sallust, quot^ Ad Anton, ii. 6. 



imbueres^ nonne Cato docuit orator idem et imperator 
summus ? Ipsa subieci Catonis verba^ in quibus con- 
siliorum tuorum expressa- vestigia cerneres : Interea 
unamquamque turmam manipulum cohortem iemptaham, 
quid facere possent : proeliis levibus ^ spectaham cuius- 
modi quisque esset : si quis strenue fecerai^ donakam 
honestCy ut alii idem vellent, atque in cmtione verbis muUis 
laitdabam, Interea aliquot pauca castrafeci, sed ubi anni 
Vat. 16 tempus venity castra hibema <constitui> . . • , | . , 
Catonis imaginem de senatu proferri solitam memo- 
riae traditum est: si ob militaria facinora^ cur non 
Camilli? ciir non Capitolini? cur non Curii alio- 
rumque ducum ? ^ 

Ad Verum Imp. ii. 7 (Naber, p. 133). , 

I Vero Augusto Domino meo. 

Ambr. 488, 1^ Quanta et quam vetus familiaritas mihi inter- 

ad xntt, ^- ^ 

cedebat cum Gavio Claro meminisse te^ Domine^ 
arbitror. Ita saepe de eo apud te ex animi mei sen- 
tentia sum fabulatus. Nee ab re esse puto memorem 
te tamen admonere. » 

2. A prima aetate sua me curavit Gavius Clarus 
familiariter non modo iis ofiiciis^ quibus senator aetate 
et loco minor maiorem gradu atque natu senatorem 
probe colit ac promeretur; sed paulatim amicitia 

^ Mai for Cod. Unibtis. 

^ All this from Catonis is from the margin of Cod. A gloss 
also adds tret triumphi de Africanis (Mai). 



not learn it from Cato^ a man equally consummate as 
orator and as commander? I subjoin Cato*s very 
words, in which you can detect the express counter- 
part of your measures : Meanwhile I tested each separate 
squadron, maniple, cohort, to gauge its capabilities. By 
Utile combats I found out the calibre of each man : ij 
a soldier had done gallant service 1 rejvarded him hand- 
somely, that others might have a mind to the same, and 
in my address to the soldiers I was profuse in his praise. 
Meanwhile I made a fenv encampments here and there, 
but when the season of the year came round, 1 established 
winter quarters ^ . . . . tradition tells us that Cato's 
bust used to be carried forth from the Senate : if by 
reason of his military exploits, why not the bust of 
Camillus? why not of Capitolinus? why not of 
Curius and other generals? 

Fronto to Lucius Verus 

To my Lord Verus Augustus. 

1. How great and long-standing is the intimacy 
which subsisted between me and Gavius Clarus is 
well known, I think, my Lord, to you. So often have 
I spoken of him from the fulness of my heart before 
you. Nor does it seem to me amiss to remind you 
of this, well as you remember it. 

2. From his earliest years Gavius Clarus devoted 
himself to me as a personal friend, not only in those 
good offices with which a senator, lesser in age 
and rank, rightly honours and deserves well of 
another senator, higher in rank and older than him- 
self. But gradually our friendship reached such a 

^ From an unknown work of Cato. 


nostra eo processit ut neque ilium pigeret nee me 
puderet ea ilium oboedire mihi, quae clientes, quae 
liberti fideles a6 laboriosi obsequuntur : nulla hoc 
aut mea insolentia aut illius adulatione ; sed mutua 
caritas nostra et amor verus ademit utrique nostrum 
in offieiis moderandis omnem detrectationem. Quid 
ego memorem negotia in foro nostra minima max- 
imaque ab eo curata ? aut domi quom ^ uspiam recte 
Ambr. 424 clausum aut opsignatum aut curatum aut confectum | 
quid velim, me uni huic mandasse et concredisse. 

3. Sed, quod alumnus meus aegre toleraret, vale- 
tudini meae curandae ita semper studuit, tantam 
omni tempore etiam operam dedit, ut excubaret 
etiam aegro mihi et, ubi meis ego uti manibus per 
valetudinem non possem, manu sua cibos ad os meum 
adferret. Postremo, si quid humanitus, absente Vic- 
torino et domino fratre meo, mihi accidisset, huic 
iusta corpori meo curanda mandavi. Praesentibus 
etiam illis ab hoc potissimum corpus meum con- 
trectari volui, quo minus doloris ad fratrem et 
generum meum ex contactu ullo corporis mei per- 

4. Haec mihi cum Gavio Claro iura sunt. lam 
ego, si res familiaris mihi largior esset, ne quid ad 
senatoris munia facile toleranda deesset, omni <ei>^ 
ope subvenirem ; neque umquam ego huius negotii 
causa eum trans mare proficisci paterer. Nunc et 

' Haupt for Cod. quod, ^ Heindorf. 



stage that^ without dislike on his part or shame on 
mine, he could pay me the deference of a client^ 
the respect that is shewn by faithful and diligent 
freedmen : this not from any arrogance on my part 
or servility on his, but our mutual affection and 
genuine love did away with any reluctance for either 
of us in tlie regulation of our duties. What need for 
me to mention his attention to my affairs in the 
forum, the least equally with the greatest; or at 
home, when I wished anything anywhere duly closed 
or sealed or attended to or completed, how I en- 
trusted and confided it to him alone. 

3. But, though my foster child would hardly shew 
such complaisance, he always devoted such attention 
to my health, was so unsparing, too, at all times 
of himself, that when I was sick he even sat up 
with me, and when rheumatism deprived me of 
the use of my hands he was wont to put the 
food to my mouth with his own hand. Lastly, I 
commissioned him to see to it that my body had 
its due rites, if in the absence of Victorinus and 
my good brother anything happened to me such 
as must to all men. Even if they should be on 
the spot, I wished my body to be handled by him 
rather than by any other, that my brother and my 
son-in-law might be spared the pain of touching 
my body. 

4. These are the terms on which Gavius Clarus 
and I stand. Now, if my means were more ample, 
I would help him to the utmost of my power to 
enable him to discharge the duties of a senator in 
comfort, nor should I ever allow him to cross the sea 
on his present errand. As it is, both the moderate 



nostrae res baud copiosae et huius paupertas artior 
me eompulerunt^ ut eum invitum expellerem in 
Suriam ad legata^ quae ei in testamento hominis 
amieissimi obvenerunt^ persequenda. 

5. Quae paupertas Claro meo nulla ipsius culpa 
Ambr. 423 optigit^ | sed neque paterna ulla neque materna bona 

fruenda percepit: eaque fine heres patris fuit, ut 
creditoribus paternis aegre satisfaceret. Ceterum 
parsimonia et offieiis et frugalitate onera quaestoria 
et aedilicia et praetoria perfunctus est. Cui ^ quidem 
per absentiam eius divus pater vester sumptum prae- 
turae *de fisco vestro quom expendisset^ ubi primum 
in Urbem Clarus reconciliata sibi valetudine rediit, 
omne fisco vestro persolvit. 

6. Nihil isto homine officiosius est^ nihil modestius^ 
nihil verecundius ; liberalis etiam^ si quid mihi credis^ 
et in tanta tenuitate^ quantum res patitur, largus. 
Simplicitas^ castitas, Veritas, fides Romana plane, 
<^iXo(rTopyia vero nescio an Romana ; quippe qui nihil 
minus in tota mea vita Romae repperi quam hominem 
sincere ^iXoo-ropyov : ut putem, quia reapse nemo 
est^ Romae fjuXoaropyosy ne nomen quidem huic 
virtuti esse Romanum. 

7. Hunc tibi, Domine, quantis possum precibus 

^ Heindorf for Cod. eum. ' Naber for Cod. sit, 



nature of my means ^ and his straitened circum- 
stances have forced me to banish him against his 
will into S3Tia to secure the legacies which have 
come to him under the will of a very dear friend. 

5. This want of means has been the lot of my 
friend Clarus from no fault of his own, for he recieived 
no benefit from either his father s or his mother s 
estate ; the only result of his being his father's heir 
was that he found difficulty in paying his father's 
creditors. But by economy and attention to duty 
and frugality he discharged all his obligations as 
quaestor, aedile, and praetor, and whereas your 
deified father paid out from your privy purse ^ the 
expenses of his praetorship in his absence, as soon as 
ever Clarus recovered his health and came back to 
Rome he paid in the whole amount to the imperial 

6. Nothing can be more conscientious than the 
man, nothing more reasonable, nothing more un- 
assuming ; generous also, if I am any authority, and 
considering the slenderness of his resources as open- 
handed as his means permit. His characteristics, 
simplicity, continence, truthfulness, an honour plainly 
Roman, a warmth of afrection,^ however, possibly not 
Roman, for there is nothing of which my whole life 
through I have seen less at Rome than a man un- 
feignedly <^iA.ooTopyo9. The reason why there is not 
even a word for this virtue in our language must, I 
imagine, be, that in reality no one at Rome has any 
warm affection. 

7. This is the man, my Lord, whom I commend to 

^ Yet according to Aul. Gellius he could spend more than 
£3,000 on a bath (Gell. xix. 10, § 4). 

' cp. Capit. Pii Fit. viii. 4. 

' Especially between parents and children. See i. p. 281 
and Marcus, Thoughts, i. 11, and Justinian, InsL ii. 18 pr. 



commendo. Si umquam me amasti sive amaturus 
umquam es^ hunc a me fidei tuae atque opi traditum 
tuearis peto. Quaeras fortasse quid pro eo <ut 
facias rogarfi velim> .... 

Ad Antoninum Imp. ii. 4 (Naber, p. 106). 

Vat. 144, I Magistro meo salutem. • 

Quom salubritas ruris huius me delectaret, sen- 
tiebam non mediocre illud mihi deesse^ uti de tua 
quoque bona valetudine certus essem, mi magister. 
Id uti suppleas^ deos oro. Rusticatio autem nostra 
jLtcTtt TToXiTctas prorsus negotium illud est vitae togatae. 
Quid quaeris? banc ipsam epistulam paululum me 
pergere non sinunt instantes curae, quarum vacatio 
noctis demum aliqua parte contingit. Vale mi iucun- 
dissime magister. 

Vat. 143 Ciceronis epistulas, si forte | electas totas vel dimi- 

diatas habes^ impertias^ vel mone quas potissimum 
legendas mihi censeas ad facultatem sermonis foven- 

Ad Antoninum Imp, ii. 6 (Naber, p. 107). 

Domino meo. 

Quintus hie dies est ut correptus sum dolore 
membrorum omnium^ praecipue autem cervicum et 
inguinum. Memini me excerpsisse ex Ciceronis 
epistulis ea dumtaxat^ quibus inesset aliqua de elo- 
quentia vel philosophia vel de republica disputatio ; 



you with the strongest appeal possible. If ever you 
have loved me, or wish ever to love me, I beg that 
you will befriend him whom I commit to your trust 
and protection. Perhaps you will ask what I wish 
you to do for him .... 

Marcus Antoninus to Fronto 

rri . .. 163 A.D. 

To my master, greetmg. 

While enjoying this health-giving country air, I 
feel there is one great thing lacking, the assurance 
that you also are in good health, my master. That 
you make good that defect is my prayer to the Gods. 
But this country holiday of mine saddled with state 
business is, in fact, your busy city life still. In a 
word I cannot go on with this very letter for a line 
or two owing to pressing duties, from which I enjoy 
a respite only for a part of the night. Farewell, my 
most delightful of masters. 

If you have any selected letters of Cicero, either 
entire or in extracts, lend me them or tell me which 
you think I ought particularly to read to improve my 
command of language. 

Fronto to Marcus Antoninus 

fi- T J 163 A.D. 

To my Lord. 

This is the fifth day since I have been seized 
with pain in all my limbs, but especially in my 
neck and groin. As far as I remember I have ex- 
tracted from Cicero's letters only those passages in 
which there was some discussion about eloquence or 
philosophy or politics ; besides, if there seemed to be 



praeterea si quid eleganti ^ aut verbo notabili 
dictum videretiir^ excerpsi. Quae in usu meo ad 
manum erant excerpta^ misi tibi. Tres libros, duos 
ad Brutum^ unum ad Axium^ describi iubebis^ si 
quid rei esse videbitur^ et remittes mihi^ nam ex- 
emplares eorum exeerptorum nullos feci. Omnes 
autem Ciceronis epistulas legendas censeo^ mea 
sententia vel magis quam omnes eius orationes. 
Epistulis Ciceronis nihil est perfectius. 

Ad ArUoninum Imp. ii. 6 (Naber, p. 107). 

Domino meo Fronto. 

Vat. 157 1 <facili>|tatem2historiaeaptamneque 

illam moderationem orationi accommodatam ; figuras 
etiam^ quas Graeci crxruiara vocant, ilium historiae, 
hunc orationi congruentes adhibuisse; Sallustium 
antithetis honeste compositis usum : alieni appetens, 
sui profusus ; satis eloquentiae, sapietvtiae parum; par- 
onomasia etiam non absurda neque frivola sed proba 
et eleganti : Simulator ac dissimulator ; Tullium vero 
conunotissima ^ et familiari oratoribus figura usum^ 
quam scriptores artium c7rava<^opav vocant . . . . ^ 

2. Qvis clarioribus viris quodam tempore iucundior? 
quis turpioribus coniunctior ? quis civis meliorum partium 

^ Query elegarUius. 

2 Or <.uher> totem. There is a gap in the Codex here of 
twelve pages, says Naber, the last being Vat. 158. The 
fragments he gives at the beginning of the letter do not 
seem to belons to it. 

* Naber : Mai reads commodissima. 

* Four lines are lost. 



any choice expression or striking word I have ex- 
tracted it. Such of these as were by me for my own 
use 1 have sent to you. You mighty if you think it 
worth while, have the three books, two to Brutus 
and one to Axius, copied and return them to me, as 
of these particular extracts I have made no copies. 
All Cicero's letters, however, should, I think, be 
read — in my opinion, even more than his speeches. 
There is nothing more perfect than Cicero's letters. 

Fronto to Marcus Antoninus 

Fronto to my Lord.^ 

1 a facility adapted to history, and not 

that restraint which is suitable for oratory ; that these 
authors ^ employed figures of speech also, which the 
Greeks call o-x'^/Aara, the former those which are in 
keeping with history, the latter with oratory; that 
Sallust made use of antithesis happily arranged : 
greedy of another s fveallh, lavish of his own ; eloquence 
enoughy too little wisdom;^ of word-echo, too, and 
that not ridiculous or trivial but judicious and in 
good taste : expert in simulation and dissimulation;^ that 
Tullius, however, made use of a most passionate 
figure, and one well known to orators, which gram- 
marians call epanaphora . . . .^ 

2. Who on occasion more delightful to our nobler 
men ? Who more intimate with the baser ? Who at 

^ This letter, contrasting the characteristics of history 
and oratory in the matter of style, preserves for us long 
extracts from Sallust which would have been greatly ap- 
preciated if SalluBt's works had been totally lost. It has not 
been thought necessary here to give the extracts in full. 

* Sallust and Cicero. ' Sallust, Catil. 6. 

* Sallust, ibid. ' t.e. repetition of an emphatic word. 



aUquando ? quis teirior hostis kuic civitati^? quis in 
voluptalibus inquinaiior? quis in lafwribus pcUientior? 
quis in rapacitate avarior ? quis in largitione effusior ? 
Et octo^ deinceps ab eodem isto verbo sententiae 
inchoantur. Si videbitur^ id quoque animadvertito 
et cum animo tuo cogitato^^ an pro cetero ornatu ac 
VAt. 1077 tumultu ine|dium illud inculpatum sit^ cum omnibus 
communicare quod habebat ; nam mihi paulo hoc vol- 
gatius et ieiunius videtur. 

3. Non <prorsus ineptum> post ilia Sallustii 
et TuUii de Catilina <quod> L. Antoni<us> 
< . . . . >utus ^ ait putabam ostendere : <quem exer- 
ciium> praeter veleranum <alacri ardo>re magna pars 
iuventutis sequebatur, Idcirco hoc in schemata tu 
faceres idem quod pictor^ qui numquam equom pin- 
ge<re conatus esset> pro . . . .* pingit . . . ; 

4. lugurthae forma huiusmodi est : 

Qui ubi primum adoUvit, pollens viribus, decora facie, 
sed muUo maxime ingenio validus, non se luxu neque in- 
eriiae comimpendum dedit, sed uti mos gentis illius est, 
eqtutare iaciilari cursu cum aequaUbus certare ; et quoin 
ofnfies glotia anteiret, omnibiis tamen carus esse. Ad hoc 
pleraque tempora in venando agere, leonem atque alias 
feras primus atU in primis ferire, pluiimum facere, 
minimum de se loqui,^ .... Nain lugiirtha, ut erat 

* For Cod. porro : if this be kept, read quot porro. 

* Klussmann for quod animadveriit de te . . , citato (Mai 
and Naber). 

* Query Z. Annaeus ComutuSy a historian of Livy's time, 
who is confused by Suidas with the philosopher of the same 
name. ^ About a hundred letters are lost. 

' First extract to loqai is complete. Of the second from 
Nam lugurtka only about one-sixth is given. 



times on the good side in politics ? Who a fouler 
enemy to this state f Who more polluted in his 
pleasures ? Who more enduring in his labours ? Who 
more greedy' in his rapacity ? Who more lavish i?i his 
prodigality ? Even eight sentences in succession 
begin with the same word. Notice this also^ if you 
will, and turn it over in your mind whether, com- 
pared to all the embellishment and passion, that 
neutral phrase — to share what he had with all^ — be 
not a blemish ; for to me this seems a little too dry 
and commonplace. 

3. After those passages of Tullius and Sallust 
on Catiline I thought it not wholly irrelevant to 
exhibit what L. Antonius .... says : whom besides 
a veteran army a great part of the young men followed 
with eager enthusiasm. Therefore, in using this figure 
you would do just what a painter, who had never 
tried to paint a horse 

4. The sketch of Jugurtha is as follows : 

As soon as he grew up^ endowed with bodily strength, 
a handsome person, but above all with a powerful intellect, 
he did not give himself' up to the seductions of luxury and 
idleness, but, as is the way with that nation, rode, threw 
the dart, and challenged his peers in the race; and though 
he outstripped all in glory, yet was he a favourite with all. 
Besides he spent much time in the chase and was the first, 
or among the first, to strike the lion or other wild beasts, 
a7id doing the most he still said the least about himself^ 
.... For Jugurtha, possessed as he was of a vigorous 

^ Cicero, Pro Cael. 6. The passage continues : Ilia vero 
indices, in iZlo homine mirahiliafucrunty cmnpreJiendere multos 
amicitia, ticeri obsequio ; cum omnibus co^mtmicare quod 
habcbat ; sf^rmre temporibus omnium suorum , etc. 

* Sallust, Jug. 6, § 1. 




Ambr. 82 

Anibr. 81 

imp\igro atque acri ingenio, uhi naluram P. Scipionis^ 
qui turn Romanis imperator erat et morem kostium 
cognovit .... magis qumn honesti} 

5. Artes imperatoriae honore summo habitae 
.... quid .... sperent ab per . . . . tibi natura 

• . • • 


. qui turn . 




6. I Ne agri quidem forma praetereunda : 

Mare saevum, importuosum ; ager fmguni fertUis, 
bonus pecori, arhori infecundus ; caelo terraque penuria 
aquarum. Genus hominwn saluhri corpore, velox, pa-- 
tiens lahorum ; ac plerosque senectus dissolvit, nisi qui 
ferro aut bestiis interiere, nam morbus haud saepe quern- 
<quam> superat. Ad hoc malefici generis pluiima 

7. Tum ille persequitur non inscite : 

In regnum Adherbalis animum intendit : ipse acer, belli- 
cosuSy at is quern petebat quietus, imbellis, placido ingenio, 
opportunus iniuriae, metuens magis quam metuendus. 

8. Hoc de consulis peHtia : 

Nam in consule nostro muUae bonaeque artes et animt 
et corporis erant, quas omnes avaritia praepediebat ; 
patiens laborum,^ acri ingenio, satis providens, belli haud 
ignaruSy^firmissimus contra pericida et insidias.^ 

9. Milites deinde corrupti : 

Exercitus imperatori traditur a Spuno Albino procon- 
sule iners, ifnbellis, neque perictdi neque laboris patiens^ 
lingua quam jnanu promptior, praedator ex sociis et ipsa 

^ For all these Salluat extracts see Hauler, Ilhrin. Mus. 
54, Pt. 2 (1899), pp. 161-170. The extract from i\'rt?/i covers 
four pages (Naber). 

 Naber says Ambr. 82 begins at Artes. 

^ Cod. laborif. * m* of Cod. for invidian. 



and eager character, when he came to knmv the temper 
of P. Scipioy who was then the Roman general, and the 
ways .of the enemy .... rather than respected.^ 

fj, 'The qualities of a general held in the highest 

6. Nor must the sketch of the country be left 
out : 

The sea is stormy and harhoiirless ; the country fruit- 
fid in grain, good for cattle, but not kindly for trees ; 
there is a scarcity of water from rain or springs. The 
inhabitants are healthy in body, active, inured to toil ; the 
majority succumb to old age, unless they perish by violence 
or wild beasts, for disease seldom claims a viictim. It 
must be added that noxious animals abound.^ 

7. Then he goes on as follows with no little skill : 
He turned his thoughts to AdherbaVs kingdom: himself 

daring, warlike, but he whom he was to assail quiet, un- 
warlike, of a gentle disposition, at the mercy of any 
attack, the victim rather than the cause of fear. '^ 

8. This of the consul's generalship : 

For our consid had many excellent endowments of body 
and mind, but avarice was a clog upon them all : he was 
inured to toils, enterprising in character, but wary enough, 
no novice in war, and undaunted in the face of danger 
and surprises.^ 

9. Then the demoralized soldiery : 

The army handed over to the general, Spurius Albinus 
the proconsul, was nnthout energy or warlike spirit, inured 
neither to danger nor toil, quicker with a word than a 
blow, spoiler of the allies and itself the spoil of the 

^ Sallust, Jug. 7, §4-8, § 1. 

a ibid. 17, § 5. 

3 ibid. 20 §§ 1 and 2. 

« ibid. 28, § 5. 


M 2 


Ambr. 95 proeda hostium, sine imperio | ei modestia habitus. Ita 
hnperatori novo plus ex malis rnoribus solliciludinis, quam 
ex copia militum auxilii aiit spei honae accedebat. • 

10. Effeminatio: 

Nam Albimis, Auli frahis exercitusijue clade perculsus, 
postquam decreverat non egredi provincia qunntum tem- 
poris aestivorum in imperio fuit, plerumque milites staiivis 
castris kabebat, nisi quom odor aut pabuli egestas locum 
mutare subegerat. Sed neque muniebantur castra, neque 
more militiae vigiliae deducebantur ; uti cuique libebat, 
ab signis aberat. Lixae permixii militibus diu noctuque 
vagabantur et palantes agros vastare, villas expugnare^ 
pecoris et ma7icipiorum praedas certantes agere, eaque 
mutare cum mercatoribus vino advecticio et aUis talibus ; 
pra^terea frumentum datum publice ^ vendere, panem in 
dies mercari ; postremo quaecumque did aut Jingi queunt 
ignaviae luxuriaeque probra, ea in illo exercitu cuncta 
fuere et alia amplius. Sed in ea difficultate Metellum nee 
minus quam in rebus hostilibus magnum et sapientem 
virtim fuisse compeiior, tarda temperantia inter ambitio- 
Arnbr. 90 ^^f^ffi saevit\iamque moderatum ^ . . . . exercitum brevi 

11. Turn forma Marii : 

Per idem tempus Uticae foi'te C, Mario per hostias 
dis supplicante, magna alque mirabilia portendi haruspex 
dixerat : proinde quae aniino agitabat fretus dis ogeret : 

* Sallust has publice datum. 

^ In the passage here omitted the Codex has nee miles 
hastatus atU gregarius where Sallust has only ne mi fen 

^ Of this extract rather more than one- half is given. 



enemy, kept in no obedience or discipline. So by their bad 
morale they brought their new commander more anxiety 
than they gave him support or confidence by their numbers.^ 

10. Growth of effeminacy : 

For Albinus, dismayed by the disaster to his brother 
Aulus and his artny, resolved not to stir out of his 
province for such time oj summer campaigning as he was 
in command, and kept the soldiers for the most part in a 
stationary camp, except when the stench or want oj 
forage compelled a move. But the camp was not forti- 
fied, nor regular watches posted according to the rules 
of war ; the soldier absented himself from duty as he 
pleased. Camp-followers mingled with the soldiers and 
went in and out day and night, and wandered about 
robbing the countryside, forcing their way into the farm- 
houses, vying with one another in carrying off cattle and 
slaves, which they exchanged with the dealers for iinported 
wine and other such-like things ;. not content with this, 
they sold the state allowance of com and bought bread 
for daily consumption : in a word, all the evil effects oj 
idleness and luxury, which can be expressed or imagined, 
were to be met with in that army, and others besides. 
But in these difficult circumstances I find that Metellus 
proved himself a great and wise man no less than in the 
field, so just a mean did he keep between a panderifig to 
popularity and undue severity .... and in a short 
time he restored the discipline of the army.^ 

11. Then a sketch of Marius : 

About (he same time when Marius, who chanced to be 
at Utica, was sacrificing to the Gods, the diviner had 
announced that "great and wondrous things were pre- 
saged ; let him therefore rely on the Gods and carry 

^ Sallust, Jug. 44, § 1. 

2 ibid. 44, § 4 to end of 45. 



fortunam quant saepissime experiretur ; cuncla prospere 
eventura. At ilium iam antea consulatus ingens cupido 
Aiubr.?page exagitabat | . . . . petere non audehat.^ 

12. Animo 

Simul consul quasi niillo imposiio omnia proitdere ; 
apud omnes adesse, laudare, increpare merentia. Ipse 
armaius intentusque item milites cogebat ; neque secus 
atque iter Jacere, castra munire, excubitum in portas co- 
horiis ex legionibus, pro castris equites auxilianos mittere; 
praeterea alios super vallum in munimentis locare, vigilias 
- ipse circumire, non diffidentia futuri, quae imperaiisset, 
quam uti militibus exaequatus cum imperatore labor 
Ambr. 89 volcntibus csset ; .... I ... . bene atque decor e 

13. Sed forma ea imperatoris : perlege et volup- 
taria^ . . . .: 

Sed in his erat Sempronia, quae multa saepe virilis 

audaciae Jacinora commiserat. Haec mulier genere atque 

forma, praeterea viro liberis satis fortunata fuit ; Graecis 

Utteris et Latinis docta ; psallere saltare elegantius quam 

necesse est probae ; multa alia quae instrumenta luxuriae 

sunt, Sed ei cariora .... quam peter etur,^ 

^ About one-third of this extract is given. 
"^ About two-thirds of this extract are given. 
•* The margin has volup'atira. 
* About one-half of this extract is given. 



through what he had in jnind : let hi?n put fortune to the 
touch as often as he would ; all would turn out well.'' 
Now, for a long time past Marius had been ^ fired with an 
intense desire to be constd .... had not ventured to 
sue for the consulship.^ 


At the same time the consul, as though no duty was 
delegated, saw to everything himself, was present every^ 
where, givi?ig praise, giving blame where due. Himself 
armed and alert, he forced his soldiers to be so likewise ; 
and he shewed no less caution in fortifying camps and in 
posting at the gates a watch from the legionaries of the 
cohort, and in front of the camp from the auxiliary 
cavalry, than in makhig marches; he stationed others 
besides above the rampart in entrenchments, and went 
the rounds of the watch in person, not so much from any 
doubt that what he had ordered would be done, as that 
the soldiers might endure cheerfully toils which they saw 
shared by their leader ; . . . . conducted with dignity 
and success.'^ 

13. But that is the sketch of a commander : listen 
to some things also in a more sensuous strain : 

Among these was Sempronia, who had done many deeds 
that often shewed the daring of a man. Here was a 
woman sujiciently happy in her birth and her beauty, not 
to mention in her husband and children ; she was learned 
in Greek and Latin literature ; she could sing and dance 
inore attractively than was required by an honest woman ; 
and there were many other things which minister to 
luxury. But she valued everything more .... than 
solicited by them.^ 


1 Sallust, Jug. 63, §§ 1-7. 

2 ihid. 100, §§ 3-5. 

3 ii^id. Cat. 25. 



14. Quibus rebus permota dvitas atque immutata nobis 
fades ; ex summa laetitia^ lasciviaque, quae diutuma 

' quies pepererat, repente omnes tristitia invasit ; Jestinare, 
trepidare, neque loco nee komini cuiquam satis credere j 
neque bellum gerere neque paceni habere : suo quisque 
metu pericula metiri. Ad hoc mulieres, quibus reipublicae 
Ambr. 90 magnitudine belli timor insolitus, adflic\iare sese, manus 
supplices ad caelum tendere, miserari parvos liberos, rogi- 
tare omnia, omni rumore ^ pavere, adiipere omnia, super- 
bia atque deliciis omissis sibi patriaeque diffidere. 

15. Forma^ qua flagitia disciplinae plebis describ- 
untur ; 

• Nam semper in civitate, quis opes nullae sunt, bonis 
invident, malos extollunt, vetera odere, nova exoptant ; 
odio suarum rerum mutari omnia student; turba atque 
seditionibus sine cura aluntur ; quoniam egestas facile 
sine damno habetur.^ 

Ambr. 821 
ad init 

Ad Amicos, i. 7 (Naber, p. 179).« 

I Fronto Aufidio Victorino salutem. 

Antoninus Aquila vir doctus est et facundus. 
Quod tu dicas^ Audistine eum declamitantem ? Non 

* m^ hcxuria. 

 Omni rumore and adripere omnia are not found in our 

^ This letter, says Hauler {Rhein. Mits. 54, Pt. 2, p. 161), 
is followed by an undeciphered letter of thanks from Marcus. 
To this apparently belong the fragments given by Naber 
(p. Ill ; Ambr. 89, col. 2) : misisti . . . iionus . . . sed quern 



14. By these events the state was stirred to its depths y 
and the face of the city transformed for us : from the 
height of luxury and licentiousness, the outcome of a 
long-standing peace, all were suddenly seized with gloom ; 
there was hurry, there was confusion, and no place, no 
person, was quite trusted ; they were not at war, they 
were not enjoying peace ; each man made his own alarm 
the measure of his danger. Moreover the women, unused 
to the fear of war, by reason of the greatness of the 
state, worried themselves, raised suppliant hands to 
heaven, bemoaned their little children, questioned every- 
thing, quaked at every rumour, snatched at every bit of 
news, and forgetting their pride and their pleasures, were 
despondent for themselves and their country?- 

15. Sketch of the insubordination of the people 
and their excesses ; 

F^or in a state those who have no wealth of their awn 
invariably envy the belter classes, glorify the bad, hate 
what is old, hanker after change ; from discontent with 
their own condition, they are eager for a revolution ; 
disorder and public discord provide them mth subsistence 
without any effort of their own, since poverty is easily 
maifitained without loss,^ 

r 164 A.D. 

Fronto to Aufidius Victorinus, greeting. 

Antoninus Aquila^ is a learned man and an 
eloquent. But should you say. Have you heard him 

1 Sallust, Cat. 31, §§ 1-3. ^ ^j^ 37^ § 3, 

^ An eminent rhetorician of Galatia ; see Philost. Vit. 
Soph, ii., under Chrestus. 


. . . sal< utem > . It may have reference to the letters which 
follow. ^(2 ArUoninum, ii. 7 and 8. 



mediusfidius ipse audivi^ sed credidi affirmantibus id 
doctissimis et honestissimis et mihi carissimis viris^ 
quos et iudicare recte posse et ex animi sententia 
testimonium perhibere certe scio. 

Velim, Domine, ut adiuves eum quo facilius in 
civitate aliqua istius provinciae publice instituendis 
adulescentibus adsciscatur. Impense istud a te peto: 
fautum ^ enim Aquilae volo honoris eorum eausa^ qui 
pro eo studiose laborant; nee ita ei studerent pro- 
fecto, nisi dignum tanto studio arbitrarentur ; nee 
nisi facundiam eius magno opere probarent, tibi eum 
commendari tanto opere postularent, quom te gravis- 
simum et prudentissimum iudicem cum aliarum 
rerum tum vel praeeipue eloquentiae sciant. Ego 
vero etiam nomini^ hominis faveo, ut sit prjroptav 
apia-Tos, quoniam quidem Aquila appellatur. 

Ad Amicos, i. 12(Naber, p. 181). 

<Fronto> Aufidio Victorino genero <salutem>. 
Ambr. 324, Litteras quas, domine,^ .... <dei, si haec>* 

^o^owing meremur, et mihi filium et tibi uxorem, ut recte 

^ Heindoriior Cod. fact avi. 

* Heindorf for Cod. /Kyniinc, which, however, the margin 
of Cod. supports, having the note faveo ilia re. 

^ These words are from the Index (Cod. Ambr. 337 ; 
Naber, p. 172). 

* Two pages are missing from the Codex between the last 
legible word of Ad AmicoSy i. 11 (aliter) and merermir here. 



declaim ? no, of a truth, I myself have not, but I take 
it in trust on the assurance of the most learned and 
honourable men and very dear friends of mine, who 
I am perfectly certain are both able to judge cor- 
rectly, and bear witness to what they really think. 

I would wish you, honoured son,^ to use your 
influence to get him an appointment as public in- 
structor of youth in some state within your province.^ 
I ask this earnestly of you, for I would have favour 
shewn to Aquila for their sake who interest them- 
selves so diligently in Jiis behalf, and they would 
surely not so interest themselves for him, did they 
not think him worthy of such great interest ; nor 
unless they greatly approved of his eloquence, 
would they make such a point of his being recom- 
mended to you, knowing you to be a most serious 
and competent judge as well of other things as 
especially of eloquence. I however have faith in 
the man's very name, shewing him to be the prince 
of orators, since indeed he is called Aquila. 

? 164 A.D. 

Fronto to Aufidius Victorinus his son-in-law, 

The letter, honoured son, which .... The 
Gods, if we deserve it, will deal kindly with my 

^ This conventional use of Domiiy. (cp. Domiiie f rater ^ 
p. 244, and even, if the MS. is correct, doinine magister. 
Ad Ani. ii. 1), is ridiculed in an epigram of the A iithologia 
PalatiTMf X. 44. 

* Victorinus, the son-in-law of Fronto, was appointed 
legatus of Germany about 162. 



proveniat^ favebunt et familiam nostram liberis ac 
nepotibus augebunt et eos, qui ex te geniti sunt 
eruntque, tui similes praestabunt. Cum isto quid em 
sive Victorino nostro sive Frontone cotidianae mihi 
lites et iurgia intercedunt. Quom tu nullam umquam 
mercedem ullius rei agendae dicendaeve a quoquam 
postularis, Fronto . iste nullum verbum prius neque 
frequentius congarrit quam hoe DA : ego contra 
quod possum, aut chartulas ei aut tabellas porrigo, 
quarum rerum petitorem eum esse cupio. Nonnulla 
tamen et aviti ingenii signa ostendit. LJ varum 
avidissimus est; primum denique hunc cibum de- 
gluttivit, nee cessavit per totos paene dies aut lingua 
lambere uvam aut labris saviari ac gingivis lacessere 
ac ludificari. Avicularum etiam cupidissimus est ; 
pullis gallinarum columbarum passerum oblectatur, 
quo studio me a prima infantia devinctum fuisse 
saepe audivi ex eis qui mihi educatores ^ aut magistri 
fuerunt. Senex autem quanto perdicum studio ^ 
tenear, nemo est qui me leviter noverit quin sciat. 
Nullum est enim factum meum dictum ve quod clam 
ceteris esse velim ; quin cuius rei mihimet ipse con- 
scius sim, ceteros quoque omnes iuxta mecum scire 
velim ... .2 

^ For Cod. edicctores. ^ cp, i. p. 239. 
' Apparently very little is lost. 

^ ^ The same person, viz. Gratia, who was possibly with 
child. The son here mentioned must be the consul of 
199 A.D., who set up au inscription to his sou of the same 



daughter and your wife,' that all may go well, and 
will bless our household with children and grand- 
children, and will see to it that those, who have 
been and shall yet be bom of you, shall be like you. 
Daily tiffs indeed and disagreements 1 have with 
our little Victorinus or our little Fronto. While you 
never ask any reward ^ of any one for act or speech, 
your little Fronto prattles no word more readily or 
more constantly than this Da (Give). I on my part 
do my best to supply him with scraps of paper and 
little tablets, things which I wish him to want. Some 
signs, however, even of his grandfather's character- 
istics he does shew. He is very fond of grapes : it 
was the very iirst food he sucked down, and for 
whole days almost he did not cease licking a grape 
with his tongue or kissing it with his lips and mum- 
bling it with his gums and amusing himself with it. 
He is also devoted to littlf birds ; he delights in 
chickens, young pigeons, and sparrows, I have 
often heard from those who were my tutors and 
masters that I had from my earliest infancy a passion 
for such things. As for my penchant, however, for 
partridges in my old age, there is no one who knows 
me ever so slig'htly but is aware of that. For there 
is no deed or word of mine that 1 would wish to 
keep secret from others. Nay, whatever there be in 
my heart of hearts I would wish all others to know 
as well as myself .... 


Ad j4micos, i. 13 (Naber, p. 182). 

Aiiibr. 328 | <Fronto> Aufidio Victorino genero <salutem>. 

Graviter oculos dolui^ .... Nullus dolor aut 
<crudatus>2 .... lateris aut internatii oriebantur. 
Intematium ^ Graeci Upov oottovv, Suetonius Tran- 
quillus spinam sacram appellat. Ego me neque 
Graecum neque Latin um vocabulum ullius membri 
nosse mallem, duni istius doloris expers vitam 

Ad AmicnSf ii. 6 (Naber, p. 191). 

Arrio Antonino <Fronto salutem>. 
Ambr. 290, Multum amicorum ^ .... I eram. Demon- 

ool. 1, line b ' 

(Brakman); stratus est milu a doctis et multum mihi familiaribus 
287, follow- viris, quorum apud me Voluntas ipsorum merito valet 
"^ plurimum. Igitur, si me amas, tantum Volumnio 

tribue honoris facultatisque amicitiae tune amplec- 
tendae, ol yap <i>i\TaToi avSpeq eonciliaverunt eum 
mihi. Igitur tarn comi amicitia aceipias velim quam 
ille volebat, Menoetiadi ^oyporepov Sc Kcpaipe quom 

1 From the Index (Naber, p. 172; Ambr. 338). Several 
lines are lost. 

'^ Brakman reads this word on the margin of the Codex, 
and instead of aut atq (doubtful). 

^ An emendation by Haupt {Hermes, i. 23) for Mai's inter 
Tiativnm. Dictionaries only recognize internets, internalis = 
the inner part of a thing. 

* From the Index (Naber, p. 189 ; Cod. Ambr. 277). The 
first part of the letter is lost in the gap that follows Ad 
Amico.f, ii. 4. This gap contained pp. 339 and 338. 

174 * 


? 164 A.D. 

Fronto to Aufidius Victorinus his son-in-law, 

1 have had severe pain in the eyes .... No 
pain or lumbago in the side or back came on. The 
Greeks call the back-bone lepov 6<ttovv (the sacred 
bone) : Suetonius Tranquillus calls it the sacred 
spine. For my part I would gladly not know the 
Greek or Latin name of a single member, if I could 
only live without pain in it. 

? 164 A.D. 

Fronto to Arrius Antoninus,^ greeting. 

. . .• He has been brought to my notice 

by learned men and close friends of my own, whose 
personal wishes rightly have the greatest weight 
with me. Therefore, if you love me, accord to 
Volumnius so much respect and opportunity of 
gaining your friendship, for very dear friends have 
enlisted my sympathy for him. Therefore I would 
ask you to welcome him with such kindly friendship 
as the great Achilles wished to shew, when he bid 
the son of Menoetius mix the wine stronger.^ 

* Publ. Consentius, in his Ars Grammatical p. 2031, 16 
(Putsch), quotes from Fronto, et illae vestrae Athe/iiap. Doro- 
corthoro (Rheims), words which were probably contained in 
a letter to Victorinus in his province. 

* An interesting personality and a relative, probably, of 
Pius. We have his cursvs honoi'um in an inscription set up 
by the municipality of Concordia {Corp. Inscr. Lai. v. 1874). 
There is an inscription also set up to him at Cirta (see 
Dcjssau, 1119). Tertullian [Ad Scap. 5) gives us an in- 
teresting anecdote of him in connection with a persecution 
of Christians in Asia Minor, 184-5. 

* Horn. Jl. ix. 203. The son of Menoetius was Patroclus. 
Plutarch {Sjpnp. v. 4) discusses the meaning of these words. 
See also Athen. x. 6. The usual texts of Homer read K^paic. 



Ad AmUoSf ii. 7 (Naber, p. 192). 

Arrio Antonino <Fronto salutem>. 

1. Have mi^ domine fill carissime. Sicut eos qui 
dicta factaque tua <in> administranda provincia 
maximis laudibus ferunt^ laetus ac libens audio^ ita 
si quis quid remurinurat aut deprecatur, inulto scru- 
pulosius ausculto^ et quo quioque modo gesseris aut 
iudicaveris require^ ut qui existimationi tuae famaeque 
iuxta quam meae consultum cupiam. 

2. Volumnius Serenus Concordiensis^ si nihil in 
eis^ quae commemorate aut^ verae rei demsit aut 
addidit^ iure meritoque utetur me apud te vel patrono 
vel precatore. Quodsi ultra epistulae modum vide- 

Ainbr. 287? bor pi'Offressus, eo eveniet I quod ea res postulat ut 

(Naber, 290) • . , . 4. -^ j •/ 4.. 

cum epistuia coniuncta sit quaedam causidicatio. 

3. Rem omnem ita^ ut mihi Volumnius exposuit^ 
proponara : simul et unumquidque verumne sit 

Estne lege coloniae Concordiensium cautum^ ne- 
quis scribam faxit nisi eum quern decurionem 
quoque recte facere poSsit? Fueruntne omnes et 

* Klussmann for Cod. cormnemorariint. 

^ This letter is important for our knowledge of the status 
of a decurio, or municipal senator. It shews that these were 
elected by the whole body. The exact merits of the case at 
issue are obscured by the mutilation of the letter. We 
* know from a law still preserved in the Digest that a decurio 
temporarily exiled for an offence not involving infamia 
might on his return take up his old position, but, if not a 



? 164 A.D. 

Fronto to Arrius Antoninus, greeting.^ 

1. Health to my honoured and most dear son ! 
just as I listen with willing and welcoming ears to 
those who are loudest in praise of your words and 
deeds in the. administration of your province, so, if 
anyone grumbles at all or carps at it, I give him a 
much more critical hearing and require every detail 
of your acts and decisions, as one who would safe- 
guard your reputation and good name equally with 
my own. 

2. Volumnius Serenus of Concordia,^ if in what 
he tells me he has subtracted nothing from the 
truth, nor added anything to it, has every right and 
claim to my services as his advocate and intercessor 
before you. But if I seem to overstep the limits of 
a letter, the reason will be, that the facts of the 
case require some legal advocacy to be mixed up 
with the letter. 

3. I will set forth the whole matter as Volumnius 
has stated it to me, and ask you at the same time 
as to each point, whether it is true. 

Is it provided by the charter of the Colony of 
^Concordia,^ that no one be made a notary except he 
be eligible also for the office of municipal senator ? 

senator previously, he could only become one with the em- 
peror's express permission. By excluding Volumnius even 
for a time from the senate, Antoninus might seem to affix 
upon him the stigma of infamy. Fronto argues that there 
can be no doubt he was a senator before his exile. We learn 
from this letter also that the decurions had to pay for their 
privileges. The case came under the cognizance of Antoninus 
as juiidieoH per Italiam rcgionis Transpadana^ (see inscrip- 
tion quoted under the previous letter). 
* In Venetia. 




sunt ad hoc locorum^ quibus umquam scriptus pub- 
licus Concordiae <de>latus ^ est, decuriones ? 

Factusne est Volumnius decreto ordinis scriba et 
decurio ? Pensiones plurimas ad quartam usque ob 
decurioiiatum dependitne ? 

Ususne est per quinque et quadraginta annos 
omnibus decurionum praemiis commodisque, cenis 
<in> publicis^ in curia, in spectaculis ? Cenavitne, 
seditne ut decurio, censuitne ? 

Si quo usus fuit publice legando, legatusne est 
Volumnius saepenumero? Estne Volumnio legato 
semper 2 viaticum publicum decretura. 

Item legationis de re frumentaria gratis a Volumnio 
susceptae estne in commentariis publicis descripta 
commemoratio ? 

4. Si omnia ista, quae supra dixi, ita decreta, ita 
depensa, ita gesta sunt, quid ^ est cur dubites post 

Ambr. 289 quinque et | quadraginta annos sitne decurio, qui 

scriba fuerit, pecuniam ob decurionatum intulerit, 

commoda decurionatus usurpaverit, munia functus 

Ambr. 296, <fuerit>* ? Et quid est, mi fili, quid est quod ista 

(NabBr*w P*^^*" *^^^ planius * velis ? Quoniam quae . . . . ® | 

oi. 2 . . • • <commo>|dis, pecuniam intulerit, munia 


5. Post ista ultro citroque a me rogata atque 

responsa, nonne etiam praeiudicium . • . .^ delatus 

est Volumnius quasi in curiam inrumperet, quom ei 

ius^ introeundae curiae non esset ut relegato, quod 

^ Klussmann. ^ Heindorf for Cod. per. 

^ Cod. id. * Or (\\xeTy fecerit iov functus. 

^ For Cod. pUniiLSf a form which Fronto repudiates 
(p. 183). 



Have they all been and are they all senators, who up 
till now have ever been given the post of notary 
public at Concordia? 

Was Volumnius elected notary and senator by a 
resolution of the local senate ? and has he made as 
many as four payments in respect of his senatorship ? 

Has he enjoyed for five and forty years all the 
rewards and privileges attaching to senators, at 
public banquets, in the senate-house, at shows ? 
Has he dined, has he sat, has he voted as a senator ? 

In the case of public deputations has Volumnius 
been often chosen to be a deputy ? Have his ex- 
penses as deputy always been voted to Volumnius 
from the public chest ? 

Again is there in the municipal registers record 
of a deputation on the corn supply undertaken by 
Volumnius at his own charges ? . 

4. If all this that I have mentioned above has 
been so decreed, so paid, so done, how can you be 
in doubt after five and forty years whether he is a 
senator, who has been a notary, has paid in money 
in respect of his being senator, has enjoyed the 
privileges of being senator, has discharged its 
duties? And what is there, my son, what is there 
that you would wish more plainly proved ? Since 

(has enjoyed) the privileges, paid-in 

moneys, discharged duties. 

5. After these questions and answers of mine 
backwards and forwards, is it not also a begging of 
the question .... Volumnius has been accused of 
forcing his way into the senate illegally, since as a 
man temporarily banished he had no right to enter 

^ Thirty-seven and a half lines are lost. 

^ Five lines lost. • Niebuhr for Cod. eitcs. 


N 2 


neque ante exilium pro decurionatu omnem pecuniam 
neque ullam posterius intulisset. Quae cum longis- 
simis temporibus forent perorata, Lollius Urbicus 
causa inspecta nihil ad versus Volumnium statuit ; 
mbr. 296? scd loco .... | ... . scd pro .... Istum 
' .... num .... debet .... defenderit .... 
pro honore ratis, non video qui possit asse . . non 

Quid, quod imperatores nostri in Isidori Lysiae 
causa ita constituerunt ? ^ .... aut .... an 

Ambr. 304 Icgatlo | . . tus .... simul per 

ignominia .... inuritur sempiterna ^ . . . . 

Non idem dedecus est homini solitario ignominia 
feriri, quantum dedecus est plena liberis ac nepoti- 
bus domo infamia notari, cuius infamiae aspergo 
inquinat simul multos et dedecorat. Sicut non 
eadem clades est in proeliis unum equitem obtrun- 
cari et triremem frangi. Tur . . . .^ armato .... 
et . . . . remis vero .... perierit , . . ,^ 

6. Leges pleraeque poenam sanciverunt, ne quis 
arborem felicem succidisset. <Haec> quaenam est 
arboris felicitas ? Rami scilicet ^ fecundi et frugi- 
feri, bacis pomisque onusti. Nemo cannam quamvis 
proceram, nemo harundinem dixerit felicem. Ae- 
quiusne est arboribus honori atque tutelae poma et 
bacas esse quam hominibus liberos nepotesque ? 

^ Eighteen lines are illegible here. 

^ From the margin of Cod. 

^ Seven lines are lost. * Eight lines lost. 

* Eckstein for unintelligible letters in Cod. 

* He was prarf. urb. in 152 and following years, when this 
case would have come before him. We know that he con- 
demned certain Christians, named Ptolemaeus and Lucius, 
to death (Justin, Apol. ii. §§ 1 and 2). He was also governor 



it ; in that neither before his exile had he paid in all 
the money for his senatorship nor any since. When 
all this had been argued out in the lengthiest of 
proceedings, Lollius Urbicus,^ after examining the 
case, made no decree against Volumnius ; but in 

place of 

reckoned in proportion to the honour, I do not see 

What agafn of the similar decision of our Em- 
perors ^ in the case of Isidorus Lysias? . . . . 

is branded with 

indelible infamy . . . . • 

The disgrace is not the same for a single man to 
receive the stigma of' ignominy, as is the disgrace 
for a house full of children and grandchildren to 
be stained with infamy, for this bespattering with 
infamy defiles and disgraces many at once. Just as 
the loss is not the same in wars if a single horseman 
be cut dow^ or a trireme be rammed 

6. Many laws^ have fixed a penalty for cutting 
down " happy " trees.** What is this happiness of a 
tree ? Is it not flourishing and fruit-bearing branches 
laden with berries and fruit ? No one ever called a 
reed, however tall, no one ever called a bamboo 
happy. Is it more right that fruits and berries 
should count as an honour and safeguard for trees 
than children and grandchildren for men.f* .... 

of Britain, defeated the Brigantes, a Yorkshire tribe, and 
completed the Wall of Antoninus between the Forth and 
the Clyde. 8ee Corp.. Itiscr. Lat. x. 419 {Add.). 

^ Marcus and Verus. Nothing further is known of the 
case of Lysias. ^ Digest, xlvii. 7, 2 ; Gaius, iv. 2, etc. 

* Felices arbores Cato dixit quae Jrucium feruntf Paul, ex 
Fest. p. 92. 



Ambr. 803 .... | ... . globus equitum Romanorum^ pars 
curiae in uno homine dehonestatur .... Raro 
umquam tot simul capita de caelo tacta suut^ quot tu 
condemnasti .... 

7. Ille qui esse quam videri bonus maluit, fortunis 
parum prosperis usus est .... Verum est eum, qui 
opinionem virtutis neglegat, ipsam quoque neglegere 
virtutem .... Nee quisquam bonas artes maguo 
opere studet adipisci^ quas adeptus necne sit non 
studet scire ^ .... donicum . . . . de sententia 
. . .• . cumulare .... verbum quod in sententia 
.... curia .... cur . '. . . miror .... prin- 
cipio .... sin repudium dare et Gneus^ orbari 
possit^ id dubito. Namque id quod longum sit posse 
interdum fieri longius^ altum altius^ numerosum 
- numerosius. Haec et eiusmodi verba video admit- 
tere aliquod augendi laxamentum^ pleno autem 
plenius nihil fieri posse. Nam poculum profecto si 

Arnbr. 302 plenum sit, | magis compleri frustra postules^ nisi 
effuderis. Enimvero quom omnibus negotiis artata 
sint tempora <et huic quidem> tempus alterum, 
'<illi> ^ coniunctum alterum, reputes cum animo tuo 
an ista causa tempus* argiimenti probandi careat. 
Antequam decurio .... per <curiam> creari 
debuit : creatus est ; ubi creatus est^ ysurpare 
honorem debuit : multifariam usurpavit ; postquam 
usurpavit^ pensionibus inferre pecuniam debuit : 
quater intulit ; munia decurionatus <facere debuit : 
fecit>; .... et esset _. . . . quidem . . . . 
labrum sum .... et tanto redemptas^ parum 
valent^ quidquid hue additum fuerit^ frustra abunda- 

^ These five sentences are from the margin of the Codex. 

' Buttm. would read gnatis. 

^ Heindorf would read an in ista causa cartas, 

* Klussmann for Cod. tarda redentas, 



. , , . a troop of Roman cavalry, a part of the 
senate is dishonoured in the person of one man 
.... scarcely ever have so many men lost their 
lives physically by lightning as will lose theirs civilly 
by your decision .... 

7. He, who has preferred being to seeming good, 
has enjoyed far from prosperous fortune .... 
Certain it is that he who cares not to bethought 
virtuous does not care to be virtuous either .... 
Nor is there anyone who is greatly interested in 
acquiring the noble arts that is not interested to know 

whether he has acquired them 

but if he can grant a divorce and 

Gnaeus can be bereaved — that is what I doubt. 
For what is long can on occasion become longer, 
what is deep, deeper, what is numerous, more 
numerous. These and similar words I see admit of 
some latitude of increase, but nothing can become 
fuller than full. For surely if a cup be full, it 
would be useless to ask for it to be filled still 
more, unless you emptied some of it. For in- 
deed, since in all business time is limited, and 
one time is closely associated with this business 
and another with that, consider in your own mind 
whether this case lacks the time for proving the 
point urged. Before that .... he ought to have 
been elected senator by the senate : he was elected ; 
when elected he ought to have exercised his rights : 
he did exercise them in many ways ; after exercising 
them he ought to have paid in money by fixed 
instalments : lie did pay this in four times ; he ought 
to have discharged the duties of senatorship : he 

did discharge them ; 

whatever is added tq this will be a superfluity. 



bit. Nam ubi quae ad fidem sat esse oportet^ satis 
iudici non sunt^ null us finis est ambiguitatis. Ut 
rectam ingressis viam certus itineris est finis ac 
modus^ errantibus aut peragrare faeilius est quam 
pervenire .... minores sis ... . 

Ambr. 301 8. | Nunc aut .... alter .... tentant .... 
quantum est, nisi quod sunt .... lenissimum 
mansuetissimum doctissimum piissimum in causa non 
dicam bona — finge enim ambigua — tanto natu senem 
prohibuisse curia inf^m. 

Cui aetati omnium vacatio munerum data est, 
aetatem <eam> nulla lex, si sacramento adigantur 
.... mei tua et aut igno<minia> . . . .^ seni 
septuaginta annos egresso insignem maculam infligis, 
quando, oro te, abolendam ? Quantulum enim vitae 
reliquum est ad exuendam infamiam et pristinam 
dignitatem sperandam. Hoc quod vocas interim 
quanti<sper>'^ sperabit? Si tantisper dum spirat,3 
paulisper sperabit. Quis segeti torridae messem 
procrastinat ? Nee non quis vindemiam maturam ac 
distillantem propellit ? ^ Aut sa<ne>'^ quis tempus 
prorogat pomis mitibus aut floribus marcescentibus 

Ambr. 800 aut facibus I ardentibus } aptum ^ soli <nas>centi 
verbum. est interim, occid<enti> confestim. Vellem 
sicut tu senem differs, ita aetas quoque difFerret 
.... adulescentiae iuventuti prolixa vitae curricula 
data sunt, sicut diebus et noctibus interdum licet 

^ Three lines are lost. ^ Heindorf. 

* Rob. Ellis for Mai's doubtful dedisset. 

* The margin has differL 

* For Naber's nee non. . ® For Cod. eiiam. 



For when the judge is not satisfied with what ought 
to be sufficient to convince, there is no limit to 
uncertainty. As for one who starts on the right 
road a journey has a fixed destination and limit, so 
for those who get off the path it is easier to roam 
than to get home 

8 ; 

to have shut out from the senate 

meanwhile, in a case I will not call a good one — let 
us call it doubtful — a man of such advanced age, 
most kindly, most gentle, most learned, most 
dutiful. • 

That age,^ which is entitled to exemption from 
all duties, no law, if they are bound by a military 

oath on an old man past his 

seventieth year you inflict a signal stain, and when, 
I ask, is it to be effaced ? For how brief is the life 
left him for shaking off his dishonour and looking 
' forward to regaining his former rank. This that 
you call the meanwhile, how long can he expect to 
hope for it ? If as long as he breathes, it will be but 
a brief time for hope. Who delays to put the sickle 
to the sun-browned cornfield ? and who defers the 
vintage when the grapes are ripe and dropping their 
juice ? Who in fact loses time when fruits are 
mellowing, flowers fading, and torches burning down ? 
Meanwhile is a word that fits the rising sun, for the 
setting sun the word is at once. Would that old 
age might put the old man off as you do ... . 
Before youth, before manhood lies many a lengthy 
lap of life, just as days and nights may sometimes 

^ No one who had reached fifty-five could be forced to 
become a decurion ; see Digest, I. 2, 2, 8. 



esse longis : senectus crepusculum est^ quod longum 
esse non potest .... metienda sunt .... debet. 

9. Proeulus .... biennium illud .... est 
.... homini seni quidquid interim fit iuxta in- 
terim ^ fit ... . poenam inrogatam . . .•. prae- 
vertit, et quinquennium in triennium artavit. Nam- 
que meum .... late tum .... omnium facit 

Ambr. 299 .... Clementer I • '^ Proeulus homo 

ingenio ad cetera remisso et delicato sed in sententiis 
dicundis ad puniendum paullo ut <opinor pro>^nior 
et infestior .... Plerique ad cetera visi minime 
serii^ in iudicando tamen asperi fuere ; scilicet ut 
pro severitate, qua carebant, obtentui saevitiam 

10. Biennium tunc de . . . . demum Volumnio . 
pro .... nunc .... biennium vita .... agi a 
te . . . . <ex sent>entia tua res .... detrahi 
ignominiam <libe>ris nepotibus genero* adfinibus^ 
quibus .... domi patrem fratresque reliqueris. ^ 
Subleva misericordia aetatem familiarem tibi et 

Ambr. 298 patritam . . . . et rescindas | . . . . interim .... 
vel tutus eum si vita .... vel dolor .... decurio 
.... pec<unia> .... te ... . meum .... 
in te . . . . qui .... omnem pro decurionatu 
pecuniam dependisset. Sibi .... num^ fili^ .... 
ni . . . . quae .... quidem interdum facias 

^ Ehrenthal would read inleritum, but the word is repeated 
in the margin. 

^ Nine lines lost at the beginning of the page. 

^ Schwierczina is responsible for opinor and Alan for 

* Klussmann for Cod. genere. 



be long. Old age is a twilight that cannot last 
.... must be measured 4 . . . 

9. Proculus ^ . . . . that two years period .... 
for an old man whatever is mean- 
while means but a mean while .... quashed the 
penalty and shortened the five years to three. 


.... Proculus, a man of a disposition in all other 
respects easy-going and pleasure-loving, yet in passing 
sentence was, I think, a little too ready to punish, 
and too severe .... Many who have seemed in 
other matters far from taking things seriously, yet 
have been harsh on the bench, wishing no doubt to 
hide their real lack of severity under a cloak of 
ruthlessness put on for the purpose. 

10. The two years then . . . . af last for Volum- 


his children, grand-children, son-in- 
law, and relations to be freed from infamy, for whom 
.... you will leave father and brothers at home. 
Relieve by your compassion an age which you know 
so well in your home and in your father .... and 
cancel .... that meanwhile 

had paid all the money for his senatorship 

^ There was a notable jurist named Proculus quoted in 
the Digest. A Cornelius Proculus is also mentioned in the 
Digest as the recipient of a rescript from Marcus and 



Ad AmiccSfiL 8 (Naber, p. 199). 

<Fronto> Arrio Antonino <salutem>. 

Gratulor mihi plerisque hominibus . . . .* esse 
... .2 esse me a te non secus quam parentem 
observari. Eo fit ut ad me decurrant plurimi, qui 
tuam gratiam cupiunt. Quos ego non temere nee 
sine dilectu audio sed probe petentibus suffragium 
meum impertio. lis vero qui parum probe quid a te 
irapetratum velint, <pos>se^ denego. Ut a me 
potius ill<um> . . . . te repulsam* Baburiana .... 
nos .... sua .... sita .... caros mihi viros 
et magno opere iis obsequi cupiam^ ita tamen ut 
Ambr. 297 <sum>ma ^ | mihi ac potissima sit iustitiae tuae 
ratio . . . .^ tuae humanitati congruens videbatur ; 
desiderium Baburianae "^ commendandum tibi recepi, 
et quam possum studiosissime commendo .... ego 
per . . . . de opere extruendo .... extructum. 
Videbatur .... defendi .... pronuntiasti quid 
ad ... . quo .... agas quod fuit tradendum, 
superest quod a te . . . . in pauca conferam. 

Sententiae tuae Baburiana non aequo animo sed 
prompto etiam et paene <libente animo obtemper- 
avit>^ .... Quid igitur postulat, quod non am- 
bitiosum concessu, Baburianae vero <magno opere> ® 
iucundum impetratu fuerit .... <di>cunt a . . . . 
quae de sententia tua usurarum .... penditur 

^ Six letters are missing. The preceding words are partly 
from the Index (Ambr. 277 ; Naber, p. 189). 

* Three lines are lost. ^ Naber esse : Klussmann ipse. 

* So Niebuhr, but Naber prints eretul. . . . 

* Schwierczina prefers prima. 

* Two lines lost. ' Cod. Bcuburiani. 

® The gap is of about -thirty letters. Possibly modo has 
faJlen out or should replace animo. ^ Naber. 



? 164 A.D. 

Fronto to Arrius Antoninus, greeting. ^ 

I congratulate myself that for most men it is 

that I am looked up to by you 

quite as a parent. Consequently very many who de 
sire your favour have recourse to me. I do not give 
them a hearing at haphazard and without circum- 
spection, but I lend my support to those whose peti- 
tion is honest. To those, however, who wish to obtain 
some dishonest advantage from you, 1 say Impossible, 
That Baburiana should rather from me .... 

men dear to me and 

I would most gladly oblige them, only so far how- 
ever as is compatible above and before all with 
a regard for your justice .... It seemed in keep- 
ing with your humane disposition ^ ; I took upon 
myself to commend Baburiana's wish to you, and I 

do commend it most heartily 

with regard to constructing the work 

Baburiana bowed to your decision not resignedly 
only but even promptly and almost willingly .... 
What then does she ask which would not l3e worth 
your while to grant, and at the same time very 
much to Baburiana's interest to obtain .... pay- 
ment of interest in accordance with your decision 

* This letter seems to refer to a contract for a public 
building, for part of which Baburiana was responsible. 
Arrius had found some fault with this, or had fined B. for 
the work not being finished in time. 

^ Humanitas was beginning about this time to get the 
meaning humanity. See Aul. Gell. xiii. 16 ; Digest , xliv. 37, 



.... extruendo adiungatur . . . .^ quondam 
petita. Contulisse ..... infamia multata videtur. 
Id populo quoque . . . .^ 

Ad Amieos, i. 8 (Naber, p. 179). 

Fronto Passieiio Rufo salutem. i 

Ambr. 820, Aemilius Pius cum studio|rum elegantia turn 

foUowing morum eximia probitate mihi carus est. Commendo | 

eum tibi, frater. Nee ignoro nullum adhue inter 
nos mutuo scriptitantium ^ usum fuisse^ quamquam 
ego te optimum virum bonarumque artium secta- 
torem communium amieorum fama cognossem^ et tu 
fortasse aliquid de me secundi rumoris acceperis. 
Sed nullum pulchrius amicitiae copulandae <tem- 
pus>* reperire potui quam aduleseentis optimi con- 
ciliandi tibi occasionem. Ama eum, oro te. Cum 
ipsius causa hoc peto, tum mea quoque. Nam me 
etiam magis amabis si cum Pio familiarius egeris. 
Novit enim Pius nostra omnia et in primis quam 
cupidissimus sim amicitiarum cum eiusmodi viris, , 
qualis tu es, copulandarum. 

Ad Amicos, i. 6 (Naber, p. 178). 

Ambr. 322, | Fronto Avidio Cassio salutem. 
CO. lad/in. lunius Maximus tribunus, qui laureatas adtulit 

litteras, non publico tantum munere strenue, sed 

* Seven or eight lines are lost. 

* Two pages are lost before the next letter (/// t?>w ef. 
DccurioniMis), Ambr. 306. 

* Heindorf for Cod. scriblUantcm. * Mai. 

* There was another letter to Arrius in the Codex, but we 
have only its title in the Index (Naber, p. 189 ; Ambr. 277 
or 292) and the first two words, VaUrianus ClUianus, 



. • attached to the construction of the work 

Fronto to Passienus.Rufus,^ greeting. * 

Aemilius Pius * is endeared to me both by the 
refinement of his tastes and the absolute integrity 
of his character. I -commend him to you, my 
brother. I am not unaware that hitherto we have 
not been on the terms of correspondents, though I 
have known of you through common friends as an 
excellent man and a lover of the noble arts, and you 
perhaps have heard me well spoken of. Yet I could 
find no fairer prospect of establishing a close friend- 
ship with you than the occasion of recommending 
to your favour an excellent young man. Love him, 
I beseech you : I ask this for his sake, but also for 
my own. For you will love me too the more, the 
more intimate with Pius you become. Pius knows 
all my heart, and how very much I desire to enter 
into close friendship with such men as yourself. 

Fronto to Avidius Cassius,* greeting. 

Junius Maximus the tribune, who brought the 
laurelled^ letter, not only discharged his public 

^ Possibly consul in 149, and, if so, proconsul about 164, 
for at this time about fifteen years separated the two ofiices. 

' Probably a pupil of Fronto's. 

^ The ablest general in the Parthian war. He afterwards, 
in 175, revolted against Marcus, and after a six months' 
dream of empire was assassinated. 

^ In token of victory on the successful termination of the 

Parthian war. So in the Peninsular war our coaches ran 

down through the country decked with laurel when a victorji 

had been won. 



private erga te officio amice functus est ; ita de 
laboribus et consiliis tuis et industria et vigilantia 
praedicator ubique frequentissimus extitit. Ad me 
quidem minus valentem quom in suburbanam villam 
venisset, numquam cessavit in vesperum usque fabu- 
las nectere itinerum tuorum et disciplinae ad pris- 
cum morem institutae ac retentae ; turn in agmine 
ducendo et manu conserenda strenuissimi vigoris 
tui et consultissimae oppoi*tunitati& ; prorsus ut 
nullus miles Plautinus de suis quam hie de tuis 
virtutibus gloriose praedicaret : nisi quod Plautus 
de suo milite cum lepore, hie de te cum amore et 
Arabr. 821 cum summa fide | . Dignus est quem diligas et 
suffragiis tuis ornes. Tuae propriae gloriae addi- 
deriS; quantum dignitati praedicatoris tu adstruxeris. 

Ad Amicosy i. 19 (Naber, p. 186). 

Ambr. 279 
col. 1 

Ambr. 282 

<Fronto> Fulviano <salutem>. 
Ego integer epistularum ^ . . . . Munus hoc ab 
ineunte aetate infrequens habui et paene neglectum ; 
uec quisquam est hominum^ nisi me fallo^ qui rarius 
quam ego scripserit ad amicos aut rescripserit, nee 
quisquam de ^ <quo minus> quam <de me> .... 
noscitur . . . . | den^ .... ultro citroque tibi 
<facul>tas est .... te .... tamen .... 

A From the Index (Naber, p. 172 ; Cod. Ambr. 337). See 
Hauler {IVien. Stud. 33, Pt. 1, p. 175). I follow Brak- 
man in placing here the following sentence, which Naber 
gives to Ad Amicos, i. 18. 



mission with despatch^ but also his private duty 
towards you with friendship, so unfaiUngly did he 
appear everywhere as the eulogist of your labours 
and measures and industry and vigilance. In- 
deed, when he came to me in my villa near the 
city, when I was far from well, he never ceased till 
nightfall telling tale after tale of your expeditions 
and of the discipline which you had restored and 
maintained up to the ancient standard ; then of 
your unremitting vigour on the march and unerring 
instinct for the right moment for battle. In very 
truth no soldier of Plautus^ so vaingloriously eulo- 
gized his own merits as he did yours, only that 
Plautus in the case of his soldier spoke with 
pleasantry, while of you Maximus spoke with affec- 
tion and the utmost loyalty. He deserves your 
love, and to profit by your patronage. Whatever 
you do to enhance the honour of your eulogist wSl 
redound to your own glory. 

165 A.D. 

Fronto to Fulvianus, greeting. 

In the matter of letters when I was vigorous 
.... From my earliest days I have paid but fitful 
attention to this duty and almost neglected it ; and 
if I mistake not, there is no man who has written 
to his friends or answered their letters less often 

than myself, nor anyone 

You have an opportunity of (sending) 

^ The Miles Oloriosus, 

^ To the end of the page six lines are lost. 
* Query '<miUendi>, 

VOL. II. . O 


amicis et comitibus .... hie .... possi . . . 
Ambr. 261 quod .... non .... post .... quae . . . 
neque duco^ neque umquam querar. Quid igitur? 
Nonne illud quoque evenire solet^ ut is^ qui diu 
amaverit quempiam^ subito vel levitate morum 
vel copia novorum amicorum desinat amare? Scis 
saepenumero hoc satis multis usu venisse^ sed non 
nostrae ^^mensurae hominibus .... hoc .... 

alias .... amicis . . . 
trae mediocritas retinet. 




Ambr. 4S6, 



Ad Verum Imp, ii. 3 (Naber, p. 131). 

<Magi8tro meo.>^ 

.... I illi suis litteris subdiderunt. Ea vero 
quae post meam profectionem gesta sunt ex litteris 
a<d> me scriptis a negotio cuique praepositis duci- 
bus cognosces. Earum exemplaria Sallustius noster^ 
nunc Fulvianus^ dabit. Ego vero^ ut et consiliorum 
meorUm rationes commemorare possis^ meas quoque 
litteras^ quibus quidquid gerendum esset demon- 
stratur^ mittam tibi. Quodsi picturas quoque quas- 
dam desideraveris, poteris a Fulviano accipere. 
Et quidem quo magis te quasi in rem praesentem 
inducerem^ mandavi Cassio Avidio Martioque Vero 
commentarios quosdam mihi facerent^ quos tibi mit- 
tam^ et quibus ^ mores hominum et sensum ^ 
eorum cognosces. Quodsi me quoque voles aliquem 
commentarium facere^ designa mihi qualem velis 

^ In these lacunae five lines are included. ' One word. 

• Niebuhr annexes this letter to Ad Verum, ii. 10, which 
seems very unlikely. Mai suggests that it may be part of 
Ad Verum, ii. 2, which is impossible from the contents of it. 



backwards and forwards .... to friends and com- 

.... nor do I think so^ nor shall I ever complain. 
What then? Is not this often the case that one, 
who has long loved another, suddenly, whether from 
fickleness of character or by reason of the quantity 
of his new friends, gives up loving ? You know that 
this has constantly occurred to quite a number ot 
people, but not to persons of our type 

Lucius Verus to Fronto 

rri . .. 165 A.D. 

1 o my master, greeting. 

.... they subjoined to their letters. What 
was done, however, after I had set out you can learn 
from the despatches sent me by the commanders 
entrusted with each business. Our friend Sallustius, 
now called Fulvianus, will provide you with copies 
of them. But that you may be able also to give 
the reasons for my measures, I will send you my 
own letters as well, in which all that had to be 
done is clearly set forth. But if you want some sort 
of pictures besides, you can get them from Ful- 
vianus. And to bring you into closer touch with the 
reality, I have directed Avidius Cassius and Martius 
Verus to draw up some memoranda for me, which 
I will send you, and you will be quite able from 
them to gauge the character of the - men and 
their capacity, but if you wish me also to draw up 
a memorandum, instruct me as to the form of it 

* Naber < <t* > . 

" So Cod. anficipated by Heindorf. 

o 2 


faciam.^ et ut iubes faciam. Quid vis enim subire 
paratus sum^ dum a te res nostrae illustrentur. 
Plane non contempseris et qrationes ad senatum et 
adlocutiones nostras ad exercitum. Mittam tibi et 
sermones meos cum barbaris habitos. Multum haec 
tibi conferent. 

Unam rem volo non quidem demonstrare disci- 
Ambr. 485 pulus magistro^ I sed existimandam dare. Circa cau- 
sas et initia belli diu commoraberis^ et etiam ea quae 
nobis absentibus male gesta sunt. Tarde ad nostra 
venies. Porro necessarium puto^ quanto ante meum 
adventum superiores Parthi fuerint^ dilucere^ ut 
quantum nos egerimus appareat. An igitur debeas^ 
quomodo TrevrrfKOvrairCav ®ovKvSiSrjs explicuit, ilia 
omnia corripere, an vero paulo altius^ dicere, nee 
tamen ita ut mox nostra dispandere^ ipse dispicies. 

In summa meae res gestae tantae sunt^ quantae 
sunt scilicet^ quoiquoimodi ^ sunt: tantae autem 
videbuntur^ quantas tu eas videri voles. 

(Naber, p. 202, adinii, Prindina ffistoriae.) 

<DoMiNo meo Antonino Augusto.> 

.... I des adesse dies .... in elogiis te 
Ambr 27d, .... nime legas quod .... magni . . . .* et 


264 and 268 i Heindoft 7a/ii«. 

* A locative used as genitive of quality. 

3 There are twenty-four lines lost at the beginning of this 

^ From the defeat of Xerxes to the feloponnesian war. 
Thuc. i. 89 ff. 


which you prefer^ and I will follow your directions. 
I am ready to fall in with any suggestions as long as 
my exploits are set in a bright light by you. Of 
course you will not overlook my speeches to the 
Senate and harangues to the army. I will send you 
also my parleys with the ehemj. These will be of 
great assistance to you. 

One thing I wish not indeed to point out to 
you — the pupil to his master — but to offer for your 
consideration^ that you should dwell at length on 
the causes and early stages of the war^ and especially 
our ill success in my absence. Do not be in a hurry 
to come to my share. Further^ I think it essential 
to make quite clear the great superiority of the 
Parthians before my arrival^ that the magnitude of 
my achievements may be manifesto Whether^ then^ 
you should give only a sketch of all this^ as Thncy- 
dides did in his Narrative of the Fijhf Years War^ or 
go a little more deeply into the subject without 
however expatiating upon it^ as you would upon mine 
in the sequel^ it is for you to decide. 

In shorty my achievements^ whatsoever their 
character, are no greater, of course, than they actu- 
ally are, but they can be made to seem as great 
as you would have them seem.^ 

Fronto to Marcus Antoninus 
To my Lord Antoninus Augustus.* ^^^ ^'^' 

and to the great exploits 

* cp. Cic. Ad Fam. v. 12, a letter which Lucius seems to 
imitate. See also Pliny to Tacitus (vii. .33). 

' This is evidently a covering letter to Marcus with the Prin- 

cipia Historiae. The fuller account of the war was possibly, 

owing to Fronto's death in 166 or 167, unless Lucian {Quo- 

modo Hist. , 19) refers to Fronto, never written. 

' 197 


fratris tui magnis rebus gestis historia non^ indili- 
genter scripta nonnihil studii et rumoris additura^ 
sit^ sicut ignem quamvis magnum vel levis aura^ si 
adflaverit, adiuverit. 

Ubi prjmum f rater tuus commentarium miserit, 
rem copiose scribere adgrediemur^ si tamen hoc quod 
Ambr. 276 gusto mittimus DOD displicebit . I • • ^ 

(Naber, p. 202.) 

Principia Historiae 

<Ad Lueium Verum Imp.> 

Ambr. 275 1. ... | ..... .* tantas res a te gestas^ 

quantas Achilles gessisse cuperet et Homerus 
$cripsisse . . . . ab orationibus .... nis .... 

<pror>sus vereor nequa novitate aut insolentia 
.... rem cantibus et modis absonum quid modu- 

latu'et cantu cecinerim . . . .^ 

Ambr. 266 2. | . . . . Sallustius . , . I ^ Eovum profecto uber- 
rima ingenia frusira Juissent, ni magni/icis sese rebus 
scribendis occupassent, itemque nisi pro magnitudine rerum 
gestarum scriptorum quoque ingenia congruerent .... 

^ Instead of non in- Hauler (41 Vers. d. deut. Phil, 1895, 
pp. 78 ff. ) reads consilio et. 

* Klussmann for atictiira (Mai). 
^ Four and a half lines lost. 

* For Hauler's new readings in this tractate see Ve7'8ani, 
41 d. deut. Phil. pp. 78 fF. and Wien. Stud. 38, pp. 166 fF. 

'^ All the above is from the margin of the Codex. 
® The margin adds Honi^rum dicit. 

* A preface to the history of the Parthian war which 
Fronto was to write from materials supplied to him by 
Lucius. This we may presume would have had considerable 



of your brother a history written in no perfunctory 
spirit would be likely to add some interest and cele- 
brity, just as the blowing even of a light breeze can 
fan a fire however great. 

As soon as your brother sends me his memoranda, 
I will undertake the writing of a full account, pro- 
vided however that this, which I send as a foretaste, 
finds favour 

Preamble to History^ 

Fronto to Lucius Verus. . 

1 these great exploits wrought 

by you such as Achilles himself would fain have 

wrought and Homer written 

I am quite afraid that through some novelty and 
unusualness . . . .1 shall have sung something not 
accordant with songs and measures .... 

2 Sallust . ' . . : In fact their natural gifts, 

however rich, would have been of no avail had they not 
concerned themselves with the writing of their splendid 
achievements, and likewise were not their talents as writers 
on a par with the greatness of the deeds 

historical value. This preamble covered twenty-eight pages 
of the Codex. Fronto praises Lucius extravagantly, setting 
him even above the great Trajan. But much of the eulogy 
is mere rhetoric, and he seems to have had his eye on a 
rhetorical commonplace, Livy's sketch of Hannibal. The 
piece Is too mutilated for us to be able to judge Fronto's 
performance fairly, but his account of the virtues and ex- 
ploits of Lucius does not tally with what we learn of him 
elsewhere. Lucian may be referring to Fronto in his Quom, 
Hist, Scrib. § 19, where he ridicules the contemporary 
historians of the Parthian war, when he speaks of &\\os rtt 
&o(5</i09 cirl \6yuv Bwdfiti, 



Amim 265 . . | . . HcrcuH aerumnac celebres, si <non ro^ 
etiam^ disciplinae ^ . . . . 

3. Enimvero fandi agendique laudibus longe prae- 
stantibus omnium Cato Porcius .... Rei factae 

mater natara : in navium adparatu .... deus alitis 

pinnas^ ut eas effingeret homo natura tuenda : remus 
ergo de natura ' . . . . 

Catus ita Cato <dat> Agrigentinis aratra, oppid- 

atim statuis ornandus^ qui prima acta h<ominum 

atque> Latini nominis subolem et Italiearum oti- 

gines <urbium et ab>originum pueritias illustravit 

Ambr. 268 ....... | . . Xenophon hie sub Cyro voluntaria 

w .. - , stipendia fecit .... quantum a stipendiis otii 

In the fol- , f; . J ^ A I 

lowing gap datum m venando occupatur *(.... 

oom6 Ambr. 

a67, 269, 270 

Ambr. 272 4. { . . • . Imperium populi Romani a Traiano 
imperatore trans flumina hostilia pbrrectum .... 
principa<tum> cum pueri .... et mihi .... 
Liberum amanti et ^ inculpatum silentium. Namque 
ceteri mortales praesenti die mentiuntur ; scriptorum 
mendacia tam culpam quam memoriam merent 

Ambr. 271 sempiternam .... | ... . humani .... tute 
.... fida .... comminisci .... parem. Nam 
praesenti die minuunt .... immo non est .... 
gens .... certum est ... . fratre® .... 

1 Mai. 

* This sentence and all those which are in the next section 
are from the margin of Cod. 

• Hauler gives Apollo deus .... tiuri dare, lus ergo. 
Mai has d«us and tuendi eius. For Apollo some verb seems 
required) and Pearce reads occommodaTis ; he also sugge8te<) 
ttievda and ranus, 



The labours of Hercules famous, if not as facts also, 
(yet) by way of teaching .... 

3. Indeed for speech and action alike the reputa- 
tion of Porcius Cato stands far the highest of all 
.... Nature the mother pf invention : in the 
equipment of ships God (supplied) the wings of a 
bird, for man to imitate them by having an eye on 
nature; the oar therefore is copied from nature .... 

So the acute Cato, worthy of being honoured 
with statues in every city, gives the Agrigentines 
ploughs. He shed light on the earliest history of 
man and the races of the Italian name and the 
origins of the Italian cities and the childhood of 

the first inhabitants This Xenophon 

served campaigns as a volunteer under Cyrus . . , . 
All the leisure left to him from his campaigns he 
devoted to hunting . , 

4 The Empire of the Roman People was 

advanced beyond the hostile rivers > by the Emperor 


To the lover silence is free and carries no blame. 
For all other mortals tell present-day ties, but the 
lies of writers deserve a reprobation as everlasting 
as their memory 

I Eaplmttea and Tigris. 

* A marginal note on p. 269 of Cod. says a eulogy ot 
Trajan waa to be found on that page ot the Codex. Tt is nni. 
clear whether Hanler found the words a Traimo it 

in iho text. » For Cod. eat. 

* The above fragments are from the margin, wl 
haa Ordo Tegnrn-um ante Romam (Aas^ia, Persia, ai 


Ambr. 262 5. | . . . . Macedonum opes torrentis modo magna 
vi ortae brevi die oceiderunt : quorum unius humanae 
prolis aetate imperium extinctum est. Nam ilia 
quae Alexandri comites familiaresque tenuerunt, 

praefecturae magis quam imperia appellandae 
•  • • 

6. Nemini usquam oppidum neque tectum diu- 
tinum aut limen inveteratum^ libertatem inopia 
sortiti^ quia inopem subigendi^ sterilis fructus laboris 
capitur .... vagi palantes^ nullo itineris destinato 
fine non ad locum sed ad vesperum contenditur 



Ambr. 201 ^ <direp>|tiones clades ediderunt, latro- 

uum potius quam hostium numero duco. Soli homi- 
num Parthi adversus populum Romanum hostile 
nomen baud umquam contemnendum gesserunt: id 
satis demonstrat non Crassi modo clades et Antonii 
foeda fuga^ sed etiam fortissimi imperatoris Traiani 
ductu legatus cum exercitu caesus et principis' ad 
triumphum decedentis haudquaquam secura nee 
incruenta^ regressio. 

8. Bella igitur duo maxima a duobus maximis 
imperatoribus adversus Parthos nostra memoria pari 
eventu bellata contendere inter se pro copiis cuiusque 
ducis et temporis ^ pergam : baud ignarus fortia 

^ Klussmann suhigmti. 

'^ The above three sentences are from the margin. 

^ Margin adds ipsiua before piHndpis. 

* The margin has et laudata. 

» Hauler, W'ien, Stud, 24, Pt. 1, p. 529. 



5. ... . . The power of the Macedonians swelling 
like a torrent with mighty force in a brief day fell 
away to nothing : and their empire was extinguished 
in the lifetime of a single generation. For those 
portions which were held by the companions and 
friends ' of Alexander deserve the name of satrapies 
rather than of kingdoms . • • • 

6. Not one of them anywhere has a town or per- 
manent dwelling or settled home : they owe their 
freedom to their poverty^ for he who goes about to 
subjugate the poor gets but a barren return for his 
labour .... wanderings roving^ with no fixed goal 
of their march^ the end of which depends not on 
locality but on nightfall .... 

7 (those nations whose) plundering raids 

have caused disasters I class as brigands rather than 
as enemies. The Parthians alone of mankind have 
sustained against the Roman People the rdle of 
enemy in a fashion never to be despised^ as is suffi- 
ciently shewn, not only by the disaster to Crassus,^ 
and the shameful flight of Antonius,^ but by the 
slaughter of a general^ with his army, under the 
leadership even of Trajan, the stoutest of emperors, 
and by the retreat, by no means unharassed or 
without loss, of that emperor as he retired to cele- 
brate his triumph. 

8. I will proceed ^then to compare with one 
another, in respect to the forces of either leader and 
either occasion, the two most memorable wars 
against the Parthians fought with like success in our 
time, not forgetting withal that the doughty deeds 

^ At Charrae in Mesopotamia, b.c. 53. 

2 Mark Antony, in 36. 

' Maximus, mentioned again below. 8ee Dio, Ixviii. 29, 30. 



Ambr. 274 

Ambr. 278 
Ambr. 262 : 

facinora viventium gravatius^ mortuorum gratius^ 
accipi ; faveri praeteritis^ invideri praesentibus. 
Namque invidia semper ad superstitem mordens adit 
.... docebit ut . . . . Dempta visque extra posse 

quo .... visui ^ . . | . . . . Ubi primum 

magnum ducem respublica poposcit^ id est pensis 
p<arem> propositis^ omnibus Arpinati paupertate aut 
Nursina duritia ortis ducibus bellicosior extitit 
.... Parthos Romano sanguine impiatos .... 
orbant .... tranquillus * .... | oratoribus * . . . . 
atque .... <hostem> | olim adversus Romanos in- 
xxxviLends tentum et infestum et instructimi: bellis exercitatum 
xxx^O <sane> ab insidiis ad ... . dum .... in ... . 
agit .... ratu^i^ quom ad omne facinus audendum 
praeceps agebatur. NuUo iam scelere quod atrocius 
auderet reliquo. 

9. Tum praeterea e<x inst>ruend<o> . . . .* 
datum .... bellum .... <explo>randum .... 
Ad hoc . . . . ^ in bellum profeetua est cum cognitis 
militibus hostem Parthum contemnentibus^ sagit- 
tarum ictus post ingentia Dacorum falcibus inlata 
volnera despicatui habentibus. Multos militum im- 
perator suo quemque nomine proprio atque castrensi 
et ioculari appellabat. Pigros . . . . • vel comiculo 
vel aereo vel partim .... cuiusque .... herede 
<usu> militari pensiones hostium spoliis feroces^t 

^ About sixteen lines are lost in these lacunae. 
^ All the above on p. 274 from the margin of Cod. 
3 In the margin here is a note, Panegyricii3 Vologaai (t.e. 
the Parthian king). * Nine letters, 



of the living are listened to in a more grudging^ of 
the dead in a more generous^ spirit ; that the past 
are regarded with partiality^ the present with envy. 
For as long as a man lives snarling envy is ever at 

his side 

As soon as ever the state called for a great leader, 
that is to say a man who was equal to the task 
before him, there appeared one who was more war- 
like than all tbe leaders reared in the needy homes 
of Arpinum^ or the hardy ways of Nursia^ .... 

Parthians stained with Roman blood 

an enemy of old, resolved 

and dangerous, and prepared to meet the Romans 

trained in wars verily from ambush 

when he was hurried headlong into 

daring any wicked deed, no crime more outrageous 
being now left for him to dare. 

9. Then besides 

He set out for the war with tried soldiers who held 
the Parthian enemy in contempt, making light of 
the impact of their arrows compared with the gaping 
wounds inflicted by the scythes of the Dacians. 
Numbers of his soldiers would the emperor* call 
each by his own name, aye, and by any humorous 
nickname of the camp. Those who hung back 

,' with a helmet 

decoration or bronze or partly . . . • by military 
custom payments proudly gained from spoils of the 
enemy such as, though victorious and celebrating 

' Marius.  Vespasian. 

^ He is speaking of Trajan. See Pliny, Paneg. 15. 

" Seven lines are lost from datum. 

" From here to the end of p. 262 are thirteen lines. 



Ambr. 251 quas saepc victor et triumphos celebra|ns viris 
legatis invijisset.^ 

10. Lucio Parthis aut dilectu novi Quirites sumendi 
fuerunt aut fortissimi ex subsignanis deligendi mili- 
tibus tristi et molli militia corruptis. Namque 
post imperatorem Traianum diseiplina propemodum 
exercitus carebant^ Hadriano et amicis cogundis et 
facunde appellandis exercitibus satfs impigro,^ et 
in summa instrumentis bellorum ; quin provincias 
manu Traiani captas variis bellis ac nunc^ con- 
stituendas omittere maluit quam exercitu retinere. 
Eius itinerum monumenta videas per plurimas Asiae 
atque Europae urbes sita^ cum alia multa tum sepul- 
chra ex saxo formata. 

Non solum in gelosas sed etiam in alias meridio- 
nalis sedis terras profectus est saluti his provinciis^ 
quas trans Euphratis et Danuvii ripas sitas Traianus 
spe Moesiae et Asiae provinciae addere posse se im- 
perio Romano adnexuerat. Has omnes provincias^ 
Daciam et Parthis amissas partes, ultro restituit. 
Exercitus in Asia se pro scutis atque gladiis salibus 
sub pellibus delectare: ducem neminem umquam 
post eiusmodi vidit. 

^ For the whole of this passage see Hauler, Serta Hartel, 
1896, p. 266. For feroces Brakman reads teretesy and for 
apoliis, gratiaa : querv paratas. For celebrans m}- has emeritiSy 
which seems required as well as celebrans. I have read quas 
for Hauler's quos to make a translatable sentence. 

^ Hauler reads inimids (against Mai and Brakman), with 
what meaning is not clear, and ed for et. Mai gave suis 



triumphs^ he had often grudged brave men^ his 
generals (who had served him well). 

10. Lucius had either to take new citizens by a 
levy for the Parthian war, or out of the reserve 
legionaries, demoralized by dull and lax service, 
choose the stoutest men. For after the Emperor 
Trajan's time the armies were almost destitute of 
military training, Hadrian being energetic enough 
in mobilizing his friends and eloquently addressing 
his armies and generally in the appliances of war. 
Moreover he preferred to give up,' rather than to 
hold with an army, the provinces which Trajan had 
taken in various wars, and which now required to be 
organized. Records of his progresses one can see 
set up in many a city of Asia and Europe, as well 
tombs 2 built of stone as many others. 

He made his way not only into frozen lands, but 
also into others of a southern situation, to the advan- 
tage of" those provinces which, l3dng beyond the 
Euphrates and the Danube, Trajan had annexed to 
the Roman Empire with the hope that he could add 
them to Moesia and the province of Asia. These 
entire provinces, Dacia and the parts lost by the 
Parthians, Hadrian voluntarily restored. His armies 
in Asia. he amused with ^^ sallies" in the camp 
instead of with swords and shields: a general the 
like of him the army never afterwards saw. 

* See Spart. Hadr. 5 and Aug. De Civ, Dei, iv. 29. 

* Such as the Moles ffadriana at Rome, and perhaps the 
tomb of Antinous in the Campus. 

impigro sed a summa .... hellorumf where the sed seems to 
introduce a point in which Hadrian was deficient. With 
Hauler's reading we have to supply this deficiency mentally. 
' Brakman. Hauler has tiovo. 



11. A rebus — pari studio pacis — sane iustis reti- 
nuisse se fertur, plane vana apstinendo uni omnium 
Romanorum prinbipum Niimae regi aequiparandus.^ 

Ambr. S&8 Pax | . . . . pertum est dat . . . . his <rem>- 
publicam sibi administrandam .... sis a patria 
.... nee belli adversus Parthos instaurandi amator 
existens,« ita longa desuetudine bellandi miles Roma- 
nus ad ignaviam redactus <est>. Nam cum omnibus 
vitae artibus tum praecipue rei militari desidia noxia 
est Permultum etiam interest fortunam variam 
experiri et naviter milites in campo exercere. 

12. Corruptissimi vero omnium Syria tici milites^ 
seditiosi^ eontumaces, apud signa infrequentes, prae 
statutist praesidiis vagi, exploratorum more palantes, 
de meridie ad posterum temulenti, ne armatu quidem 
sustinendo adsueti, sed impatientia laboris armis 
singillatim omittendis in velitum atque funditorum 
modum seminudi. Praeter huiuscemodi dedecora 
malis proeliis ita pereulsi fuerunt, ut ad primum 
Parthorum conspectum terga verterent, tubas quasi 
fugae signum canentes audirent. 

13. Tantam militaris disciplinae labem pro re 
Lucius coercuit, industria sua ad militandum exemplo 

Ambr. 257 proposita. | Primus ipse in' agmine baud saepius 
equo vehi quam pedibus fatisci ; tam solem torridum 

' A marginal note has qualis et Antoninus fuU, ep. Capit. 
Piw, 25. 

2 This word is read with some doubt by Hauler. 

' m^ has freti armis. For all this passage see Hauler, 
PFien, Stiid. 24, Pt. 1, p. 620 f. 



U. The same devotion to peace is said to have 
withheld him from action absolutely justified, so that 
in his freedom from empty ambition he is clearly 
comparable in all the line of Roman Emperors to 
Numa alone. 

Peace that the state should 

be governed by him nor 

being enamoured of a new war against the Parthians, 
so by long unfamiliarity with fighting the Roman 
soldier was reduced to a cowardly condition. For 
as to all the arts of life, so especially to the business 
of war, is sloth fatal. It is of the greatest import- 
ance also for soldiers to experience the ups and 
downs of fortune, and to take strenuous exercise in 
the open. 

13. The most demoraUzed of alt, however, were 
the Syrian soldiers, mutinous, disobedient, seldom 
with their units, straying ii^ front of their prescribed 
posts, roving about like scouts, tipsy from noon one 
day to the next, unused even to carrying their arms, 
and as one man after another from dislike of toil 
laid them aside, like skirmishers and slingers half 
naked. Apart from scandals of this kind, they had 
been so cowed by unsuccessful battles as to turn 
their backs at the first sight of the Parthians and to 
listen for the trumpet as the signal for flight. 

13. This great decay in military discipline Lucius 
took in hand as the case demanded, setting up his 
own energy in the service as a pattern.* Marching 
in person at the head of his troops, he tired himself 
widi trudging on foot quite as often as he rod< 
horseback ; he made, no more of the blading 


facile quam diem serenum ferre ; pulverem confer- 
tum pro nebalis pati^ sudorem in armis ut in ludicris 
insuper habere^ caput apertum soli et imbribus et 
grandini et nivibus neque vel ^ ad versus tela muni- 
tum praebere ; spectandis in campo militibus operam 
dare et aegros intervisere ; non incuriose per militum 
contubemia transire^ sed forte temere Syrorum mun- 
ditias Pannoniorum inscitias introspicere ^ ; de cultu 
cuiusque ingenium arbitrari. Sero ipse post decisa 
negotia lavatus ^ : mensa sobria^ victu in castris 
plebeio : vinum loci^ aquam temporis bibere : primam 
vigiliam facile vigilare^ postremam iamdudum exper- 
gitus opperiri : labore magis quam otio laetari : otic 
ad laborem abuti : vacua militaribus tempora civili- 
bus negotiis occupare. In penuria subita ramis non- 
numquam et frondibus pro^ supellectile usus est^ 
caespitem interdum ut torum incubans. Somnum 
cepit labore paratum non silentio quaesitum. Graviora 
demum perverse facta severe animadvertit, leviora 
sciens dissimulavit : locum poeniiendi reliquit. Nam 
Ambr. 256 | dclicta sua plcriquc, dum ignorari putant^ cor- 
rigunt : ubi manifesta sciunt^ impudentia obfirmantnr 
.... certaminis fuga .... necessitatis .... 
<vol>uisset providere : per tot provincias, tot ob- 
sidionum proeliorum arcium stationum castellorum 
excidendorum aperta discrimina curas et consilia dis- 
pergere^ non luxurias^ ducenta tametsi profudit spolia^ 

* m^ adds se : so Mai. ' In Cod. follows munditias. 

• m* lavatu : Naber reads lavari. * For Cod. proprie. 
^ From here to the end of Ambr. 256 fourteen lines. 



than of a bright day ; the choking dust he put up with 
like a mist; sweating under arms he minded as little 
as sweating at athletics ; he left his head exposed to 
sun and shower and hail and snow^ and unprotected 
even against missiles ; he was careful to inspect the 
soldiers in the fields and go the round of the sick ; 
he visited the soldiers' quarters with no unobservant 
eye ; cast a casual but keen glance at the Syrians' 
dandy ways and the gaucheries of the Pannonians ; 
from each man's manner of life he divined his 
character. After all his business done,^ he took a 
belated bath himSielf : his table plain^ his food the 
common camp- fare ; his drink the wine of the^ 
locality, the water of the season ; he keeps the first 
watch easily, for the last he is awake long before- 
hand and waiting ; work is more to his taste than 
leisure, and his leisure he misuses for work: time 
not required for military duties he devotes to civil 
business. In a sudden emergency he has utilized 
boughs on occasion or leaves by way. of bedding, 
stretching himself at times on the turf as his couch. 
The sleep he took was earned by toil, not wooed 
with silence. The more serious misdemeanours only 
did he punish severely, the more trifling ones he 
knew how not to see : he left room for repentance. 
For many a man corrects his own faults, while he 
thinks them unperceived; when he sees that they 

are known, he brazens them out^ •. • • 

through so many provinces, so many 

open dangers of sieges, battles, citadels, ports, and 
fortresses stormed, he lavished care and counsels, 
not luxuries, though he showered upon them a 

^ Hor. Ep. I. vii. 59. 
' cp, Dio, lii. 34. 


p 2 


.... Num consentirem . . . . de legi<on>ibu8 
Arabr 265 aiixia fuit cura ^ I . . gnarus . . . . de 

legioni<bus> 2 .... portare .... longior mora 

.... imperator * . . . . quam ob rem .... 

etiam tum iunioris decere quo minus ad 

Ambr. 246 triumphum * .... habitus . . . . | spectes.* 

14. Lucius consiliorum sollertia longe <praestan- 
tior> .... sciret catafractos similes esse beluis 
piscibus^ eas eludere alto mari cernuantes .... 
in magnis persultare campestribus.^ Equi lubrico 
instabiles, manus frigore inritae^ arcus imbribus 
enerves .... Paucis ante diebus Lucius ad Volo- 

Ambr. 245 gaesum | Httcras ultro dederat, bellum si vellet con- 
dicionibus poneret; dum oblatam pacem spernit^ 
barbarus male mulcatus est. 

Ea re dilucide patet^ quanta Lucio cura insita sit 
militum salutis^ qui gloriae suae dispendio redimere 
cupiverit pacem incruentam. Traiano suam potiorem 
gloriam sanguine^ militum futuram de ceteris eius 
studiis multi coniectant^ nam saepe Parthbrum 
legatos pacem precantes dimisisse inritos. 

15. lustitiae et clementiae fama apud barbaros 
sancta de Lucio : Traianus non omnibus aeque pur- 
gatus. Regnum fortunasque suas in fidem Lucii con- 
tulisse neminem paenituit ; Traiano caedes Partliam- 

^ These words from the margin. ^ ibid. 

* A marginal note says : cuiiismodi sunt kostcs Parthi. 

* ibid, panegyricus Traiani. 

* The margin has de Parthorum belli 'more. 


thousand spoils 

14. Lucius in the skilfulness of his measures far 
superior .... knew that the mail-clad troops were 
like finny monsters^ that diving headlong in the deep 
sea they escape .... to prance ahout on the wide 
champaign. Horses without firm footing on the 
slippery ground^ hands numbed with cold^ bows 
limp with the rain .... A few days before Lucius 
of his own accord had sent a letter to Vologaesus to 
put an end to the war by agreement, if he would ; 
but the barbarian, while he spurned the offer of 
peace, paid dearly for it. 

This fact shews clearly how much Lucius had the 
lives of his soldiers at heart, ready as he was to pur- 
chase a bloodless peace at the price of his own glory. 
With Trajan, as many judge from the rest of his 
ambitions, his own glory was likely to have been 
dearer than the blood of his soldiers, for he often 
sent back disappointed the ambassadors of the Par- 
thian king when they prayed for peace. 

15. The reputation, too, of Lucius for justice and 
clemency^ was unblemished among the barbarians. 
Trajan was not equally cleared in the eyes of all. No 
one had reason to repent having trusted his kingdom 
and fortunes to the good faith of Lucius : it is not 
easy to absolve Trajan from the murder of a suppliant 

^ The bonitas of Lucius is mentioned several times by the 

^ These words are from Hauler. Tho margin has Laiis 
Traiani, ' Cod« in sanguine, 



asiri<s> regis supplicis haud satis excusata. Nam etsi 
ultro vim coeptans tumultu orto merito interfectus 
est^ meliore tamen Romanorum fama impune supplex 
abiisset quam lure supplicium luisset^ namque talium 
facinorum causa facti latet^ factum spectatur^ longe- 
que praestat secundo gentium rumore iniuriam 
neglegere quam adverso vindicare. 

16. Bello Parthico utroque consulares viri duo 
exercitum ut^ique ducentes obtruncati : Severianus 

Ambr. 260 quidem Lucio ab urbe { necdum etiam tum profecto ; 
Appius^ vero quom praesens Traianus Euphrati et 
Tigridis portoria equorum et camel orum tribularet 
retro ab Arbace^ caesus est. 

17. Illud eti<am commune ut>ri<que est vitio>'* 
datum^ histriones ex urbe' in Suriam accisse. Sed 
profecto sicut arborum altissimas vehementius ventis 
quati videmus^ ita virtutes maximas invidia crimi- 
nosius in<sect>atur.* Ceterum bello an pace clarior 
Traianus existimandus sit, in ambiguo equidem pono^ 

^ m* for enim ; and over it Santra, a cognomen of Maximus 

^ Cod. Arbacer, with r deleted. This and the two pre- 
ceding words are from Hauler. He says that m* apparently 
reads alatu or eUatu over the 5a, meaning Arbalata or 
Arbalatuce. He remarks that Arsace would be an easy 
conjecture. Over retro is ad Balda Tauri {i.e. the eastern 
continuation of Taurus range). 

' The additions are by Mai and Naber. 

* So Naber. The margin has incessit, 



king Parthamasirius.^ For though by being the first 
to appeal to violence^ he brought his fate upon him- 
self in the ou%break that Qnsued^ yet it would have 
been better for the good name of the Romans had a 
sujf^liant departed unharmed than been punished 
even justly ; for in such deeds the reason of the act 
lies hid, the act itself is before the eyes, and it is 
far better to pass by an injury and have public 
opinion on your side than to avenge one and have 
it against you. 

16. In either Parthian war a man of consular 
rank, in either case commanding an army, was put 
to the sword : Severianus * while Lucius had at the 
time not even left the city; Appius,® however, 
while Trajan was present in the East making more 
stringent the ferry dues for camels and horses on the 
Euphrates and Tigris, was slain by Arbaces * in rear 
of the Emperor. 

17. This is also brought as a charge against both 
equally, that they sent for actors^ from Rome into 
Sjnria. But assuredly as we see the tallest trees 
shaken the more violently by the winds, so envy 
attacks the greatest merits the more vindictively. 
For the rest, whether Trajan is to be accounted more 
illustrious in war or peace for my part I leave 

^ See Dio, Ixviii. 17, Victor, xlviii. 10. But Pliny, Paneg, 
16, defends Trajan. 

• See Lucian, Pseudomant. 27, and Qaom. Hist. Scrib, 21 
and 25. 

' Appiiis Maximus Santra (see Hauler, Wien, Stud, 38, 
1916, p. 170). Fronto is blaming Trajan for attending to 
unimportant matters while his troops are attacked in the 

^ According to Hauler's reading. 

• See Capit. Fit. Veri, viii. §§ 10, 11, and for Trajan see 
Dio, Ixviii. 24. 



nisi quod armis etiam Spartacus et Viriathus aliquan- 
turn potuere^ pacis artibus vix quisquam Traiano ad 
populum^ si qui adaeque^ acceptior extitit. Ipsa haec 
cum pri . . . .^ ae nonne illis optrectationi bus faces 
sunt? Ex summa civilis scientiae ratione sumpta 
videntur^ ne histrionum quidem ceterorumque scenae 
aut circi aut harenae artificum indiligentem princi- 
pern fuisse^ ut qui sciret populum Romanum duabus 
praecipue rebus, annona et spectaculis, teneri ; impe- 
rium non minus ludicris quam seriis probari ; maiore 
damno seria, graviore invidia ludicra neglegi ; minus 
acribus stimulis congiaria quam spectacula expeti ; 
Ambr. 259 congiarijis frumentariam modo plebem singillatim 
placari ac nominatim, spectaculis universum <popu^ 
lum conciliari>. Quod . . . . se oporteat . . . , 
namque ut famem .... plane .... Neptunum 
Martemque molestias illas sibi .... est arceant 
non .... magis aut .... avis vocem .... quam 
ludis spectaculorumque caerimoniis placari. Ei rei 
pompas et carpenta et tensas et exuvias a maioribus 
dicatas, elephantos, uros .... populus Romanus 
usus sit spectaculis deserti .... constrepi aut 
linguis pluribus ominari. Haec a me detrectationis 
refutandae causa memorata sunt. 

18. Ceterum .... Lucius autem ipse, quoquo in 

^ Four letters only are miasing. Query cum prc^ipiie^ 



undecided^ only pointing out that even Spartacus and 
Viriathus had considerable ability in war^ whereas 
for the arts of peace scarcely anyone has excelled 
if indeed anyone has equalled Trajan in popularity 
with the people. These very things . . . , are 
they not in the highest degree torches to these 
detractions? They seem to be based on the 
loftiest principles of political wisdom, that the 
£mperor did not neglect even actors and the 
other performers of the stage, the circus, or the 
amphitheatre, knowing as he did that the Roman 
People are held fast by two things above all, the 
corn-dole and the shows,^ that the success of a 
government depends on amusements as much as 
more serious things ; neglect of serious matters en- 
tails the greater loss, neglect of amusements the 
greater discontent; food-largess is a weaker incen- 
tive than shows ; by largesses of food only the prole- 
tariat on the corn-register are conciliated singly and 
individually, whereas by the shows the whole popu- 
lace is kept in good humour 

than conciliated by 

games and the customary pageantry of the shows. 
Therefore processions and couches and sacred chariots 
and spoils dedicated by our ancestors, elephants, 
urochs^ .... the Roman People has made use of 
shows .... the buzzing and predictions of many 
tongues. These things have been mentioned by me 
to refute detractors. 

18 Lucius^ however, himself, wherever 

^ ' cp. Juvenal, Sat. x. 78, partem et drcenfes, 
s Added by Bn^kmi^q from tli^ Codex, 



loco gestum quid foret^ ad senatores scripsit litteris 
diserte ad significandum rerum^ statum compositis^ 
ut qui facundiam impenso studio restaurare (vellet) 
Ambr. 250; .... | ... . <com>|parata si quis leget, seu 
proavus seu pronepos virtute praestare videbitur, 
comparationis quidem discrimen in familiae nomine 

Ad ATUoninum Imp. ii. "7 (Naber, p. 111). 

Maoistro meo. 

Oratione^s desiderat sibi Dominus frater a me 
vel a te quam primum mitti. Sed ego nialo^ mi 
magister^ tu mittas ; easque ut in promptu haberes^ 
exemplaria quae apud nos erant misi tibi. Ego mox 
Ambr. 72, alia couficiam | quae .... e<x> eo . . . . sine 
o owng iiKgenti> mora intercedente ^ alia mihi scripserit. 
Vale mi dulcissime magister. Nepotem saluta. 

Ad Antoninum Imp. ii. 9 (Naber, p. 112). 
Ambr. 72 | DoMINO meO. 

^^'^- Has interea orationes mittito. In le<gendo> 

duas delig<am Domino fratri tuo mittendas>.^ 

^ This word, according to Hauler, is doubtful. Query 

* In the Codex follow the words Legi emendavi qui supra. 
Principia Historiae Frontonis. • Heindorf for intercedsnda. 

* Additions by Alan to supply the four words Mai says 
are missing (so Naber) ; but in his 1823 edition Mai says half 
a column is lost. 

After this letter follow two letters, Domino meo and Magis- 



anything had been done, wrote to the Senate de- 
spatches expressly composed to describe the state of 
affairs, as one who had the rehabilitation of eloquence 

deeply at heart If any one reads the 

accounts side by side, as to whether the great-grand- 
father or the great-grandson shall appear to be first 
in merit, however the question of superiority be 
decided, the difference will only be a family matter. 

Marcus Antoninus to Fronto 

rr. . 165 A.D. 

To my master. 

The Lord my brother desire;s that the speeches 
should be sent to him as soon as possible by me or 
by you. I should prefer, my master, for you to send 
them, and that you might have them ready at hand I 
have sent you the copies I have by me. I shall soon 
get others made which .... without the inter- 
position of any great delay, will write me others. 
Farewell, my sweetest of masters. My love to your 

Kronto to Marcus Antoninus 

m T J 165 A.D. 

To my Lord. 

Meanwhile send me the speeches. In looking 
them through I will choose two to be sent to your 

tro meo aalutem, illegible except for a word here and there. 
They are contained on Ambr. 71 (Naber, p. 112). Moreover 
the words, given by Naber, p. 107, at the beginning oi Ad 
Anton, ii. 6 (Ambr. 143, co). 2), do not appear to belong to 
that letter, and I give them here as read by Brakman Vel a 
<t€> visum quanta sollicitudinem <.mihi adferant> .... 
ita deo . ... id ago .... explora diligentius. They are 
from a letter of Fronto's and refer, perhaps, to his grief. 



j4d Antoninum Imp. ii. 8 (Naber, p. 111). 

Domino meo. 

Pro cetera erga me benivolentia tua fecisti^ 
quod orationum^ quas frater tuus Dominus noster 
desideraverat^ mittendarum me gratiam inire voluisti. 
Adiunxi ultro ego tertiam orationem proDemostrato^ 
Petiliano^ de qua ilia scrips! : Adiunxi, inquam, oratio- 
neni pro Demostrato, quam qtiom primum Jratri tuo optuli, 
didid ex eo Asclepiodolum, qui oratione ista compelletur, 
a te non improbari. Quod ubi primum comperi, curavi 
equidem abolere orationem. Sed iam pervaserat in fnanus 
plurium quam ut abolen posset, Sed quidjiai postea f 
Quid, inquam, Jiat ? nisi et Asclepiodotmn, quia <tu> 
probasti,^ mihi quoque fieri amicissimum, tam hercle quam 
est Herodes summut nunc meus, quamquam extet oraiio. 
Vale mi Domine dulcissime. 

De Nepote Amisso^ i. (Naber, p. 231). 

Ambr. 149, | Maoistro mco salutcm. 

Modo cognovi de casu. Quom autem in singulis 
articulorum tuorum doloribus torqueri soleam^ mi 
magister^ quid opinaris me pati quom animum doles ? 
Nihil conturbato mihi aliud in mentem venit quam 

^ So Cod. , Hauler, who says there are other variations in 
the preceding lines, which he does not record. 
2 See Hauler, Wien, Stud. 28, Pt. 1, p. 169. 

^ Ddmostratus appears twice as an accuser of Herodes in the 
year 142 (for the trial see i. QO ^0» ^t^d a^aiu ia 170, as ^e le«ru 


Fronto to Marcus Antoninus 

rp T -J ^65 A.D. 

lo my Liord. 
It is in keeping with all your other kindness 
towards me that you wish me to oblige my Lord 
your brother by sending him the speeches which he 
asked for. I have taken the liberty of adding a 
third speech^ that for Demostratus Petilianus^^ about 
which I have written to him as follows : / have added 
the speech for Demostratus, hut ofi submitting this to your 
brother ^ I learnt from him that Asclepiodotus, though he 
is taken to task in that speech, is not thought ill of by you. 
As soon as I was aware of this I did my best to have the 
speech suppressed. But it had already been circulated 
too widely to be called in. What is to be done next ? 
What, I say, to be done, except that Asclepiodotus too 
since he has earned your approbation, should become a 
veiy dear friAid of mine also, just as by heaven Herodes 
and I are now on the best of terms, in spite of the speech 
being extant. Farewell, my most sweet Lord. 

Marcus Antoninus to Fronto 

m . I.' 165 A.D. 

To my master, greetmg. 

I have just heard of your misfortune. Suffering 
anguish as I do when a single joint of yours aches, 
my master, what pain do you think I feel when it is 
your heart that aches .'^ Under the shock of the 
news I could think of nothing else than to ask you 

from PhilostratuB, who also tells us that he wrote speeches 
against Herodes. The speech of Fronto here mentioned 
may also be the one against Herodes spoken of above (i. 65), 
but the allusion reads as if it were a recent one. 
• i.e, Marcus. 



rogare te ut conserves mihi dulcissimum magistrum^ 
in quo plura solacia vitae huius liabeo <quam> quae 
tibi tristitiae istius possunt ab ullo contingere. 

Mea inanu non scrips!^ quia vesperi^ loto tremebat 
etiam manus. Vale mi iucundissime magister. 

De Nep&te AmissOf ii. (Naber, p. 232). 

Ambr. 150 AnTONINO AuGUSTO | Fronto. 

1. Multis huiusmodi maeroribus fortuna me per 
omnem vitam meam exercuit. Nam ut alia mea 
acerba omittam^ quinque amisi liberos miserrima qui- 
dem condicione temporum meorum/ nam quinque 
omnes nnumquemque semper unicum amisi^ has orbi- 
tatis vices perpessus^ ut numquam mihi nisi orbato 
filius nasceretur. Ita semper sine ullo solacio resi- 
due liberos amisi^ cum recenti luctu procreavi. 

2. Verum illos ego luctus toleravi fortius^ quibus 
egomet ipse solus cruciabar. Namque mens animus 
meomet^ dolori obnixus^ oppositus quasi solitario 
certamine, unus uni par pari resistebat. At no<n 
iam> ego <uni> vel soli <obsto>, dolor .e<nim> e 
dolore acri multiplicatur et cumulum luctuum meo- 
rum diutius ferre nequeo;^ Victorini mei lacrimis 
tabesco^ conliquesco. Saepe etiam expostulo cum 
deis immortalibus et fata iurgio compello. 

1 Charisius, An Gram. ii. 223, 26 (Kiel), quotes from 
the fifth book of letters Ad Antoninum, at enim vesperi in 
triduum mittam. Elsewhere Marcus always uses veapera. 

* Haupt for Cod. viemet. 

3 In this passage I follow Brakman, filling up the gaps as 
best I can. 



to keep safe for me the sweetest of masters^ in whom 
I find a greater solace for this life than jou can find 
for your sorrow from any source 

I have not written with my own hand because 
after my bath in the evening even my hand was 
shaky. Farewell^ my most delightful of masters. 

On the loss of his Grandson ^ 

165 A.D. 

Fronto to Antoninus Augustus. 

1. With many sorrows of this kind has Fortune 
afflicted me all my life long. For, not to mention 
my other calamities, I have lost fiw^ children undef 
the most distressing circumstances possible to my- 
self. For I lost all ^ve separately, in every case an 
only child, suffering this series of bereavements in 
such a way that I never had a child bom to me 
except while bereaved of another. So I always lost 
children without any left to console me and with my 
grief fresh upon me 1 begat others. 

2. But I bore with more fortitude those woes by 
which I myself alone was racked. For my mind, 
struggling with my own grief, matched as in a single 
combat man to man, equal with equal, made a stout 
resistance. But no longer do I withstand a single or 
solitary opponent, for grief upon bitter grief is multi- 
plied and I can no longer bear the consummation of 
my woes, but as my Victorinus weeps, I waste away, 
I melt away along with him. Often I even find 
fault with the immortal Gods and upbraid the Fates 
with reproaches.* 

^ This grandson may be the one who died, aged three, in 
Germany (see Ad Veruin, ii. 9, 10, below). 

2 See Marcus, Thoughts, ii. 2, 3 ; 13, 16 ; iv. 3, 32 ; vi. 49, 



3. Victorinum pietate mansuetudine veritate inno- 
centia maxima^ omnium denique optimarum artium 
praecipuum virum acerbissima morte filii adflictum^ 
hoccine ullo modo ' aequum aut iustum fuit ? Si 

Ambr. 156 providentia res gubemantur^ hoc idem ^ | recte pro- 
visum est? Si fatb euncta humana decemuntur^ 
hoccine fato decemi debuit? Nullum ergo inter 
bonos ac malos fortunarum discrimen erit? Nulla 
deis^ nulla fatis diiudicatio est^ quali viro filius eripi- 
atur? Facinorosus aliqui<s> et scelestus mortalis^ 
qnem ipsum numquam nasci melius foret^ incolumes 
liberos- educit^ in morte sua superstites relinquit. 
Victorinus vir sanctus^ cuius similes quam plurimos 
gigni optimum publicum fuerit^ carissimo filio pri- 
vatus est. Quae^ malum^ Providentia tarn inique 
prospicit? Fata a fando appellata aiunt: hoccine 
est recte farj ? Poetae autem coins et fila fatis ad- 
signant : nulla profecto tam sit importuna et insciens 
lanifica^ quae herili togae solidum et nodosum^ ser- 
vili autem subtile et tenue subtemen neverit. Bonos 
viros luctu adfici^ malos re familiari incolumi frui, 
neque mensum neque pensum fatorum lanificum^. 

4. Nisi forte alius quidem nos error iactat et 

^ m* hoccine. 

• Niebuhr for Cod. dies, 

^ Ehrenthal lanificium. 



3. Victorinus^ a man of entire affection^ gentleness^ 
sincerity^ and blamelessness^^ a man^ further^ con- 
spicuous for the noblest accomplishments to be thus 
afflicted by his son's most untimely deaths was 
this in any sense just or fair? If Providence does 
govern the world, was this too rightly provided ? 
If all human things are determined by Destiny, 
ought this to have been determined by Destiny? 
Shall there, then, be no distinction of fortunes 
between the good and the bad? Have the Gods, 
have the Destinies no power of discrimination as 
to what sort of man shall be robbed of his son ? 
Some thoroughly vicious and abandoned wretch, 
who had far better himself never been born, rears 
his children safely and leaves them at his death 
to survive him.^ Victorinus, a blameless man, is. 
bereaved of his darling son, and yet it would have 
been in the highest interests of the state that as 
many as possible of his kind should be born. Why 
Providence — out upon it! — if it provides unfairly? 
The Destinies, they say, are called so from the word 
"to destine" : is this to destine rightly?. Now the 
poets assign to the Destinies distafTs and threads. 
Surely no spinner would be so perverse and unskilful 
as to spin for her master's toga a heavy and knotty 
yam, but for a slave's dress a fine and delicate one. 
For good men to be stricken with sorrow while the 
bad enjoy every domestic felicity — such a spinning 
performance by the Destinies I hold to be neither 
by weight nor rate.* 

4. Unless maybe quite another error throws us 

^ See Dio, Ixxii. 11. * cp. Psalms, xvii. 14. 

' Lit. task weighed or measured. It would almost do to 
translate it ** neither in rhyme nor reason." 




ignari rerum^ quae mala sunt quasi prospera con^ 
cupiscimus, contra quae bona sunt pro adversis 
aversamur, et mors ipsa^ quae omnibus luctuosa 
videtur^ pausam laborum adfert et soUieitudinum et 
Ambr. 156 calamitatum miser|rimisque corporis vinculis libera- 
tos ad tranquilla nos et amoena et omnibus bonis 
referta animarumque conciliabula travehit. Hoc ego 
ita esse facilius crediderim quam cuncta humana aut 
nulla aut iniqua providentia regi. 

5. Quodsi mors gratulanda potius est hominibus 
quam lamentanda^ quanto quisque eam natu minor 
adeptus est, tanto beatior et dis acceptior existi- 
mandus est^ ocius corporis mails exutus^ ocius ad 
honores liberae animae usurpandos excitus.^ Quod 
tamen verum sit licet, parvi nostra refert qui desidera- 
mus amissos : nee quicquam nos animarum immor- 
talitas consolatur, qui carissimis nostris dum vivimus 
caremus. Istum statum vocem formam auram ^ libe- 
ram quaerimus; faciem defunctorum miserandam 
maeremus, os obseratum, oculos eversos, colorem 
undique deletum. Si maxime esse animas immor- 
tales constet, erit hoc philosophis disserendi argu- 
mentum, non parentibus desiderandi remedium. 

6. Sed utcumque sunt ista divinitus ordinata, 

^ For Cod. exictus. 

* Or = animam (iri'cD/ia). 



out, and through ignorance of the facts we are 
coveting what is evil, as . though it were to our 
advantage, and, on the other hand, turning away 
from what is good, as though it were to our harm,i 
whereas death itself, which seems grievous to all, 
brings rest from toil and care and trouble, and free- 
ing us from these most wretched fetters of the body 
transports us to those serene and delightful assem- 
blies of souls where all joys are to be found. I would 
more readily believe that this is so than that all 
human things are governed either by no Providence 
or by one that acts unfairly.*^ 

5. But if death be rather a matter for welcome 
than for mourning, the younger each one attains to 
it the happier must he be accounted and the greater 
favourite of the Gods,^ released as he will have been » 
the sooner from the ills of the body, and the sooner 
called forth to inherit the privileges of an enfran- 
chised soul. Yet all this, true though it be, makes 
little difference to us who long for our lost ones, nor 
does the immortality of souls bring us the slightest 
consolation, seeing that in this life we are bereft of 
our best- beloved ones. We miss the well-known 
gait, the voice, the features, the free air; we 
mourn over the pitiable face of the dead, the lips 
sealed, the eyes turned, the hue of life all fled. Be 
the immortality of the soul ever so established, 
that will be a theme for the disputations of philo- 
sophers, it will never assuage the yearning of a 

6. But however these things have been ordained 

^ cp, Marcus, Thoughts^ iv. 68 ; ix. 2 ; x. 36. 

* ibid, ii. 11 ; vi. 44. 

' cp. the well-known fragment of Menander, %v ol Otol 

Q 2 


mihi quidem neutiquam diutinam adferent soUici- 
tudinem^ cui tarn propinqua mors. Sive in aeternum 

Ambr. 180 extinguimur^ olim cupienti | mihi^ tandem . . . . tu 
acerbiora .... neque arborum neque » . . . 
eodem tempore .... heres tu us .... ad vin- 
demiam .... isto tempore .... asperius^ nequi- 

Ambr. 179 vi prae fletu | ac dolore. Meus etiam hie mi ^ dul- 
cissimus nepos^ quem ipse sinu meo educo^ hie est 
profecto^ qui me magis magisque lacerat et excruciat. 
Namque in huius facie ilium amissum contemplor^ 
exemplum oris imaginor^ sonum vocis eundem animo 
fingo. Hanc sibi dolor meus picturam commentatur. 
Verum defuncti vultum ignorans^ dum verisimilem 
coniecto, maeeror. 

7. Sapiet mea filia: viro omnium quantum est 
hominum optimo adquiescet : is eam consolabitur 
pariter lacrimando pariter suspirando <pariter>2 
loquendo pariter conticiscendo. Senex ego parens 
indigne eonsolabor; dignius enim foret ipsum me 
ante obiisse. Neque ulla poetarum carmina aut 
sapientium praecepta tantum promoverint ad luctum 
filiae meae sedandum et dolorem leniendum, quan- 
tum manti vox^ <ex> ore carissimo et pectore 
iunctissimo profecta. 

8. Me autem consolatur aetas mea prope iam edita 
et morti proxima. Quae quom aderit^ si noctis si 
lueis id tempus erit^ caelum quidem consalutabo dis- 
cedens et quae mihi conscius sum protestabor : 

Ambr. 182 nihil in longo vitae meae spatio a me admissum | 

* Heindorf for Cod. huie me, " Naber. 
' Naber. Cod. has uxor e carissimo pectore. 



from heaven, to me indeed, for whom death is so 
near, they can by no means bring any lasting per- 
plexity. Whether we are annihilated for ever, as 

I once desired, at last '. 

I was unable for grief 

and tears. Now it is even my darling grandson, 
whom I am bringing up myself in toy own bosom, it 
is he, indeed, who more and more rends and racks 
my heart. For in his lineaments I behold the other 
whom I have lost, I seem to see a copy of his face 
and fancy that I hear the very echo of his voice. 
This is the picture that my grief conjures up of 
itself. But not knowing the dead child's face I fret 
myself away with imagining what he was like. 

7. My daughter will .be reasonable, she will rest 
upon her husband's love, and he is the best of men. 
He will comfort her by mingling his tears and sighs 
with hers, by speaking when she speaks and being 
silent when she is silent. It will scarce befit me, 
her aged father, to comfort her; for it were more 
fitting had I myself been the first to die. Nor would 
any poet's songs or philosopher's precepts avail so 
much to assuage my daughter's grief and soothe her 
pain as her husband's voice issuing from lips so dear 
and a heart so near her own. 

8. My comfort, however, I find in my life being 
almost spent and death very near. When it comes, 
be its advent by night or by day, yet will I hail the 
heavens as I depart and what my conscience tells 
me I will testify,^ that in my long span of life I have 
been guilty of nothing dishonourable, shameful, or 

^ Charisius, in his Ars Graminaticaf quotes from Fronto's 
second book of letters to Antoninus : Male me, Marce, prae- 
teriiae vitae meae paenitet. 



quod dedecori aut probro aut flagitio foret; nullum 
in aetate agunda avarum^ nullum perfidum facinus 
meum extitisse; contraque multa liberaliter multa 
amice multa fideliter multa constanter saepe etiam 
cum periculo capitis consul ta. Cum fratre optimo 
concordissime vixi^ quem patris vestri bonitate 
summos honores adeptum gaudeo^ vestra vero 
amicitia satis quietum et multum securum video. 
Honores quos ipse adeptus sum numquam improbis 
rationibus concupivi. Animo potius quam cor- 
poii curando operam dedi. Studia doctrinae rei 
familiari meae praetuli. Pauperem me quam ope 
cuiusquam adiutum^ postremo egere quam poscere 

9. Sumptu numquam prodigo fui^ quaestu ^ inter- 
dum necessario. Verum dixi sedulo^ verum audivi 
libenter. Potius duxi negligi quam blandiri^ tacere 
quam fingere^ infrequens amicus esse quam frequens 
adsentator. Pauca petii^ non pauca merui. Quod 
cuique potui pro copia commodavi. Merentibus 
promptius^ immerentibus audacius opem tuli. Neque 
me parum gratus quispiam repertus segniorem effecit 
ad beneficia quaecumque possem prompte imperti- 

^ Both text and margin have quaestui, 


criminal ; my whole life through there has not been 
on my side a single act of avarice or of treachery, 
but on the contrary many of generosity, many of 
friendship, many of good faith, many of loyalty, 
undertaken, too, often at the risk of my life. With 
the best of brothers I have lived in the utmost 
harmony, and I rejoice to see him raised by your 
father s kindness to the highest offices and resting 
in the friendship of both of you in all peace and 
security. The honours which I myself have attained^ 
I never coveted to gain by unworthy means. I have 
devoted myself to the cultivation of my mind rather 
than my body. I have held the pursuit of learning 
higher than the acquisition of wealth. I preferred 
to be poor 2 rather than indebted to another's 
help, at the worst to be in want rather than 
to beg. 

9. In expenditure I have never been extravagant, 
sometimes earned only enough to live upon. I have 
spoken the truth studiously, I have heard the truth 
gladly. I have held it better to be forgotten than 
to fawn, to be silent than insincere, to be a negligent 
friend than a diligent flatterer. It is little I have 
sought, not a little I have deserved. According to 
my means I have obliged every man. The deserv- 
ing have found in me a readier, the undeserving a 
more quixotic, helper. Nor if I found anyone 
ungrateful, did that make me less willing to bestow 
upon him betimes all the services in my power ; nor 

^ In a letter from the fourth book of letters' Ad ArUon. 
Imp.y quoted by Charisius, Ars Orammatica^ ii. 197, 3 (Kiel), 
Fronto says Satis abundeque honorum est quos mihi cotidiano 

' He could not have been very poor; see Aul. Gellius, 



Ambr. 181 enda. Neque ego umquam ingratis offensior | fui. 
Eas quid<em> , . . .^ mihi nee ob aeratos in re 
.... 2 omnibus cum .... putavi .... cuperem 
equidem .... male. Finem .... teneo .... 
male .... quam .... Si nobis carere .... 
operam. Sentio .... me proderes .... quam 

Ambr. 196 leto colens et statu mentis | . . . . doleam .... 
aliud .... reperto .... apud .... sana 

Col. 1, line 7 mundum .... solvere . . . . | non est veritatis 
nostra cum ii se indigere solacio. Dis placeat 
filiam generum .... domo .... bis ... . 
hinc de . . . . quorum .... vastitatem .... 

Ainbr. 195 10. | Multum ct gravitcr male* valui, mi Marce 
carissime. Dein casibus miserrimis adflictus^ turn 
uxorem amisi^ nepotem in Germania amisi^ miserum 
me ! Decimanum nostrum amisi. Ferreus si essem^ 
plura scribere non possem isto in tempore. 
Librum ^ misi tibi quern pro omnibus haberes. 

Ad Verum Imp, ii. 9 (Naber, p. 137). 

Domino meo Vero Augusto. 

Fatigatum me valetudine diutina et praeter 
solitum gravi ac gravissimis etiam luctibus paene 
continuis adflictum^ nam in paucissimis mensibus et 
uxorem carissimam et nepotem trimulum amisi — sic 
Ambr. 428, his plcrisquc me malis perculsum,^ recreatum | tamen 
429°^ g aliquantum fateor, quod te meminisse nostri et quae- 
dam nostra desiderasse cognovi. Misi igitur quae 

* Six letters lost. ^ Five letters lost. 

^ So Cod. Brakman. * Query = libellnniy a letter. 

» Hauler. IVien. Stud. 24, Pt. 1, p. 232. I have pre- 
f erred sic to his sed. Brakman, Itafesstim ^m^- emails per- 
muUfum recreatumqice. 


have I ever been vexed by the ungrateful , 

10. I have suffered from constant and serious ill-, 
health, iny dearest Marcus. Then afflicted by the 
most distressing calamities I have further lost my 
wife, I have lost my grandson in Germany — woe is 
me ! — 1 have lost my Decimanus.^ If 1 were of iron 
I cx>uld write no more just now. 

I have sent you a book which you can take as 
representing all my thoughts. 

Fronto to Lucius Verus 

To my Lord Verus Augustus. ^'°' 

Worn out as I am with long-continued and more 
than usually distressing ill-health, and afflicted be- 
sides with the most distressing and almost uninter- 
rupted sorrows, for in a very few months I have lost 
both the ^earest of wives and a three -year-old grand- 
son ' — though thus prostrated by these accumulated 
evils, I confess that I was nevertheless not a little 
cheered to learn that you had not forgotten me and 
wished for something of mine. I therefore 


Dominus meus frater tuus litteris tuis admonitus 
mittenda censuit. Adiunxi praeterea orationem pro 
Demostrato, quam quom fratri tuo primum optuli^ 
didici ex eo Asclepiodotum, qui oratione ista com- 
pelletur^ a te non improbarL Quod ego ubi comperi^ 
cupivi \ equidem abolere orationem : sed iam perva- 
serat in manus plurium quam ut aboleri posset. 
Quid ig<itur f>ieri, quid^ inquam^ op<orte>t?* 
Nisi Asclepiodotum^ quom a te probetur^ mihi quo« 
que fieri amicissimum^ tarn hercule quam est Herodes 
summus jiunc meus^ quamquam extet oratio. 

Egit praeterea mecum frater tuus impense^ quod 
ego multo impensius adgredi cupio^ et ubi primum' 
commentarium miseris^ adgrediar ex summis volun- 
tatis opibus: nam de facultate tute videbis^ qui me 
idoneum censuisti. 

Ad Verum Imp. ii. 10 (Naber, p. 138). 

Maoistro meo. 

Certum esse te^ mi magister carissime^ etiamsi 
reticeam^ nihil dubito quantae mihi acerbitati' sit 
tua omnis vel minima tristitia. Enimjvero quom et 
Ambr. 427 uxorem per tot annos caram et nepotem dulcissimum 
paene simul amiseris^ miser<icordiam* .... maxi- 
mam pernostique graviora mala quam ut> magistrum 
doctis dictis consolari'audeam, sed patris est pectus 

^ So Hauler for Naber's curavi, 

' So Brakman ; but Hauler reads Quid igitur t quid igitur, 
inquam, probcUns f • Heindorf for Cod. aeerbitcUis. 

* Six lines are lost. For this passage see Hauler, 
Wochenech. 41, Oct. 11, 1918. 



what vaj Lord jour brother, actiDg upon your letter, 
has decided should be sent. I have added besides 
the speech for Demostratus, but on submitting this 
to your brother 1 leamt from him that Asclepiodotus, 
though he is taken to task in that speech, is not 
thought ill of by you. As soon as I was aware of this 
1 was myself anxious to suppress the speech, but it 
had already been circulated too widely to be called 
in. What then ? What then, I say, is best so be done, 
except that Asclepiodotus, since he has earned your 
approbation, sliould become to me also a very dear 
friend, just as by heaven Herodesand I are now on the 
best of terms, in spite' of the speech being published. 
Besides your brother earnestly discussed with me 
what I am still more earnestly anxious to take in 
hand and, as soon as you send me vour memoranda,' 
I will take the task in hand with the best will in the 
world : for as to my qualifications, you who have 
judged me capable of it must see to that yourself, 

Lucius Vebus to Fhonto 

To my Master. 

You are aware I am sure, my dearest master, 
even if 1 keep silence, how keenly I feel every 
trouble of yours however slight. But, indeed, since 
you have lost simultaneously both a wife beloved 
through so many years, and a most sweet grandson, 
.... and you have known greater ■v 
can dare to console my master for with 
words, but it is a father's part to pi 


amoris pietatisque plenum effundere ^ 

.... delibera .... Nunc ad reliqua litterarum 
tuarum convertar. Delectatus <sum> .... veri 
.... Quid <or>as, mi magister? .... nisi' qui 
.... a me munus aut .... defendisset^ qua 
si deficis .... quid aliud ego doctior^ quicquam 
aut expeto aut somnio .... 

Ad Ferv/m Imp. ii. 4 (Naber, p. 132). 

Arabr. 4S6, | DoMINO meo VcFO AugUStO.* 

Quamquam me diu ^ cum ista valetudine vivere 
iam pridem pigeat taedeatque^ tamen ubi te tanta 
gloria per virtutem parta reducem videro, neque in- 
cassum vixero neque invitus quantum vitae dabitur 
vivam. Vale, Domine desiderantissime. Socrum* 
et liberos vestros saluta. 

Ad Verum Imp. ii. 5 (Naber, p. 132). 

Maoistro meo. 

Quidni ego gaudium tuum mihi repraesenta- 
verim, mi magister carissime ? Equidem videre te * 
et arte complecti et multum exosculari videor mihi 
toto .... 

1 Hauler, Wien Stud. 24, Pt. 2, p. 293 (1918). 

^^ Query doctius. 

^ "S.Qmdovi diutius, ^Q)oeiV medvas fidins. 

* Possibly uxorem should be reAd. 

^ Heindorf for Cod. me. 



heart full of love and affection 

Now I will turn to the rest of your letter. I was 

delighted What do 

you ask, my master? 

what else at all do 1 more learned either ask or 
dream of 

Fronto to Lucius Verus 

To my Lord Verus Augustus. 

Although for a long while past with this ill- 
health of mine it has been pain and grief for me to 
live on, yet when I see you return with such great 
glory gained by your valour, I shall not have lived 
in vain, nor shall I be loth to live, whatever span of 
life remains for me. Farewell, my Lord, whom I 
miss so much. Greet your mother-in-law ^ and your 

Lucius 'Vkrus to Fronto 

To my Master. 

Why should I not picture to myself your joy, 
my master? Verily I seem to myself to see you 
hugging me tightly and kissing me many times 
affectionately .... 

^ Socrum cannot = socenim and mean Marcus. Faustina 
must therefore have been with Verus and her daughter 
Lucilla, but whether in Asia or in Italy is not clear. As 
Lucius married Lucilla in 164, he is not likely to have had 
more than one child yet, and in any case the children would 
have been too young to have a message sent them. Therefore 
Faustina's other children must be included in liberos, as 
veatros alao seems to shew. 





Ad Verum Imp. ii. 8 (Naber, p. 136). 

Vero Augusto Domino meo. 
Ambr. 430 . . . . | desideretur is honor, quo pariter quis- 

que expetit si quid honoris aliis impertitum videat. 
Probasti me laudastique consilium, neque tamen 
triduo amplius vel quatriduo id a te optinere potuisti, 
ut mihi verbo salutem^ responderes ; sed ita excogi- 
tasti : primum me intromitti in cubiculum iubebas, 
ita sine cuiusquam invidia osculum dabas, credo ita 
cum animo tuo reputans, mihi cui curam cul turn que 
tradidisses oris atque orationis tuae, ius quoque 
osculi habendum, omnesque eloquentiae magistros 
sui lege^ fructum capere solitos^ in vocis aditu 
locatum. Morem denique saviandi arbitror honori 
eloquentiae datum. Nam cur os potius salutantes 
ori admovemus quam oculos oculis aut frontes front- 
ibus aut, quibus plurimum valemus, manus manibus, 
nisi quod honorem orationi impertimus ? Muta deni- 
que animalia oratione carentia osculis carent. Hunc 
ego honorem mihi a te habitum taxo^ maximo et 
gravissimo pondere. Plurima praeterea tua erga me 
summo cum honore et dicta et facta sensi. Quotiens 

^ Niebuhr laboris. 

^ For Mai's saltern., Novdk prefers savium. 

' Brakman for Cod. axo (query faxo) ; but we should 
rather expect the genitive after it. But Klussmann ep. Ad 
M. Caes. iii. 20 (i. p. 172), and reads habilum maximo gravius 
wnw pondere, 

^ The loss of the openins words makes it difficult to 
divine the meaning of the first two sentences. There had 



Fronto TO Lucius Verus 

To my Lord Verus Augustus. 

... .1 the honour would be missed^ whereby 
equally everyone hankers after any honour bestowed 
on others. You gave me your approval and applauded 
my advice, and yet for more than three or four days 
you could not prevail on yourself to answer me with 
the word greeting^ ; but you thought out this plan : 
first you bid me be admitted into your chamber : so 
you were able to give me a kiss without exciting 
anyone's jealousy, with this thought I suppose in 
your mind, that the privilege also of a kiss should 
belong to me, to whom you had entrusted the care 
and cultivation of your voice and speech, and that 
all masters of eloquence by innate right are wont to 
reap the reward lodged in the portals of the voice. In 
fine,^I think that the custom of kissing was intended 
as an honour to eloquence. For why in greeting do 
we touch lips with lips rather than eyes with eyes or 
foreheads with foreheads or hands ^ with hands — 
and yet these are more indispensable than an3rthing 
else — if it be not as rendering an honour to speech ? 
In fact, dumb animals being without speech are 
without kisses also. This privilege kept for me by 
you outweighs everything in my estimation. Many 
a time besides have I been sensible of the special 
honour which you have shewn me in word and deed. 

apparently been some jealousy excited among the entourage 
01 Verus at the favour shewn to Fronto. The latter seems to 
have suggested some plan for obviating this, which Verus 
had not fallen in with, but followed another course. 

' Savases rub foreheads and noses. Shaking hands could 
not have been unknown, as clasped right hands were a com- 
mon symbol of amity and unity. 



Ambr. 429 tu manibus I tuis sustinuisti^ adlevasti aegre adsur- 
gentem aut difficile progredientem per valetudinem 
corporis paene portasti ! Quam hilari voltu semper 
et placato tu ^ nos adfatus es ! Quam libenter con- 
seruisti sermonem^ quam diu produxisti^ quam invitus 
terminasti ! Quae ego pro maximis duco. Sicut in 
extis inspicienti diffissa plerumque minima et tenuis- 
sima maximas significant prosperitates deque - formi- 
carum et apicularum ostentis res maximae porten- 
duntur^ item vel minimis et levissimis ab uno et vero 
Principe habitis officii et bonae volentiae signis signi- 
ficari arbitror ea quae amplissima inter homines et 
exoptatissima sunt^ amor honorque. Igitur quae- 
cumque a Domino meo tuo fratre petenda fuerunt^ 
per te petita et impetrata omnia malui. 

Ad AmicoSf i. 9 (Naber, p. 180). 

Ambr. 820, 
col. 2 ad 

Fronto Caelio Optato salutem. 
Sardius Satuminus artissima mihi familiaritate 
coniunctus est per filios suos doctissimos iuvenes^ 
quos in contubernio mecum adsiduos liabeo. Magno 
opere eum tibi, frater, commendo et peto, si quid 
negotii eum ad te adduxerit,^ carissimum mihi virum 
omni honore dignum iudices et ope tua protegas. 

^ Naber for Cod placatissimo. 

2 See Hauler, Wien. Stud. 25, pt. 1, p. 331 and 24, pt. 1, 
p. 232, for this passage. The words are also found in the 
margin, but with lU for deqtce and benivolcnliae for bonae vol, 

' For Cod. eduxerit. 



How often have you supported me with your hands^ 
lifted me up when scarcely able to rise, and well- 
nigh carried me when hardly able to walk from 
bodily weakness!^ With what a cheerful and 
friendly countenance have you always accosted me ! 
How readily engaged in conversation, how long con- 
tinued it, how reluctantly concluded it ! All which 
I value above measure. Just as in the inspection of 
entrails the smallest and most insignificant parts 
when laid open generally imply the greatest good- 
fortUne, and by omens from ants and bees the 
greatest events are foretold, so by even the least 
and most trivial signs of deference and good-will, 
vouchsafed by the one and very Emperor, are signi- 
fied, as I think, those things that are the most 
estimable and the most coveted among men, love 
and honour. Therefore all the favours I have had 
to ask from my Lord your brother I have preferred 
to ask and obtain through you. 

} 166 A.D. 

Pronto to Caelius Optatus,^ greeting. 

There is a bond of the closest intimacy between 
Sardius Saturninus and myself through his sons, 
young men of the highest culture, whom I have 
constantly under my roof. I recommend him to you 
most cordially, my brother, and ask that, if any 
business bring him to you, you should judge as 
worthy of all respect a man very dear to -me, and 
should befriend him with all your power. 

^ Fronto suffered from rheumatism, but not, it appears, 
as his contemporary Polemo, from arthritis. 

^ Was legatus of Numidia in 166 ; this letter may be 
to him in his province. 




Ad AmicoSi i. 10 (Naber, p. 180). 

Fronto Petronio Mamertino^ salutem. 

Sardius Saturninus filium habet Sardium Lupum, 
A.mbr. 319 doctum ct facundum | virum, de mea domo meoque 
contubernio in forum deductum^ ad omnes bonas 
artes a me institutum^ frequentissimum auditorem 
tuumque maximum laudatorem ^ <nec> minus .... 
habuit .... egregias .... gravissimum : . . . 
mihi .... cum Sardio Saturnine^ qui .... nos- 
trae numeres ac diligas. 

Arabr. 281, 
col. 1 ad 

Ad Amicos, i. 20 (Naber, p. 187). 

I Fronto Sardio Satumino salutem. 

Gravissimum casum tuum recenti malo consolari 
nequivi periculosa valetudine ipse et in hoc tempus 
conflictatus^ quom quidem mihi languore fesso plu- 
rium aegritudinum venit nuntius amissi iuvenis nostril 
quem tibi optimum filium fors iniqua abstulit^ mihi 
iucundissimum contubernalem. Quam ob rem^ quam- 
quam recuperata sit commoda valet udo^ tristitia 
tamen inhaeret animo meo magisque in dies augetur 
maerore Lupi nostri fratrem optimum misere desi- 
derantis. Quom^ praesentem ac loquentem* vix 
consolarer/ sentio quam difficile <sit> te absentem 

1 The Cons. Suflf. in 150 was M. Petr. Mamertinus, the 
father, no doubt, of the Petr. Mamertinus who married a 
daughter of Marcus ; see Capit. VU, Comm, vii. 5. 

* There are seventeen lines from here to the end of the 



? 166 A.D. 

Fronto to Petronius Mamertinus^ greeting. 

Sardius Saturninus has a son Sardius Lupus^ a 

learned and eloquent man^ introduced to the Forum 

from my hearth and home, instructed by me in all 

the noble arts, a most assiduous hearer and a very 

great admirer of yours, nor the less 

with Sardius Saturninus, 

.... you should count and love (as a member of) 
our (family). 

? 166 A.D. 

Fronto to Sardius Saturninus, greeting. 

I have been unable to condole with you, while 
the wound was still fresh, in your most terrible 
affliction, being myself prostrated even up till now 
with a dangerous illness, at which very time, when 
I am worn out with the depression caused by many 
troubles, there has come the news of the loss of 
our young friend whom an unjust fate has torn 
away, from you the best of sons, from me the most 
delightful of housemates. Wherefore, though I am 
much better in health, yet sorrow cleaves to my 
heart and is intensified by the anguish of our Lupus, 
who feels dreadfully the loss of the best of brothers. 
Since it would not be easy to console you, even if 
you were present and talking with me, I feel how 

^ Heindorf <.Qti>€m> quoni. 
* Query adloquens te. 
' For Mai*s consoler. 


R 2 


per litteras consolari. Neque postulo ut maerere 
desinas — id enim frustra postulabo — sed ut moder- 
<atius inaereas>^ . . . .^ 

Ad AmicoSf i. 24 (Naber, p. 188). 

' luNio Maximo Fronto salutem. 

' ^fS.^* ^^^' ^^^ Ulpium nostrum ^ . . . . hojnestatis gravi- 

I pages lost tatisque tuae praedicatorem^ quern cupio ad me 

I celeriter remittas. Neque enim cum alio ullo tanta 

mihi familiaritas est aut tantus usus studiorum 

bonarumque artium communicandi. Multo etiam 

mihi iucundior erit quom sermones de te mutuo 

recolemus ae recensebimus. 

Ad Amicos, i. 25 (Naber, p. 188). 

Fronto Squillae Gallicano* salutem. 

Tibi, domine frater, commodius evenit qui pro 
filio nostro praesens trepidaveris, quam mibi^ qui tre- 
pidaverim absens. Nam tua trepidatio pro eventu 
actiouis facile sedata est ; ego quoad mihi ab omni- 
bus contubernalibus nuntiatum est^ quo successu 
noster orator egisset^ trepidare non destiti. Et tu 
quidem ad singulos orationis successu s^ prout quaeque 

1 Alan. 

^ Two pages are missing between this a,nd what we have 
of the next letter. These contained three letters, probably 
like this one, letters of consolation, for the margin has 
consolatoriae. S6e Index (Naber, p. 172 ; Ambr. 337) : 
(1) lunio Maximo ; ffumani casus homini. ... (2) Praecilio 
Pompeiano : Ldbris eius lahrafovi. ... (3) Sardio Satumino : 
Hortatus sum constant er. . . . 

' From the Index (Naber, p. 172 ; Ambr. 337). 

* Consul in 150. 



difficult it is to console you when absent by letter. 
And I do not ask you to cease grieving — for it would 
be useless to ask that — but to grieve with some 
moderation .... 

? 166 A.D. 

Fronto to Junius Maximus^ greeting. 

By our friend Ulpius^ .... (this) eulogizer 
of your probity and dignity, whom I desire you to 
send back to me speedily. For there is no one with 
whom I am on such intimate terms^ or with whom I 
am wont so much to share my pursuits and love of 
the noble arts. He will be still more delightful to me 
when we exchange our mutual reminiscences and 
views of you. 

.'* 166 A.D. 

Fronto to Squilla Gallicanus, greeting. 

Yours has been a happier lot,^ my lord brother, 
for you have felt nervous for your son on the spot^ 
than mine, who have had to endure my nervousness 
at home. For your nervousness was easily allayed 
with the completion of the pleading, while I did not 
cease to be nervous until all my pupil housemates 
had brought me news of the success with which our 
orator had conducted the case. And you, indeed, 
at . each separate triumph of the speech, as each 

1 Possibly the famous jurist Ulpius Marcellus, who was 
one of the Consilium of Marcus. 

^ Fronto writes to his friend Gallicanus on the success of 
his son at the bar. This son was evidently one of his pupils 
who lived in his house {contubemalcs). The word dornintis 
had come to be used as a complimentary title with Jiliics and 



sententia laudem meruerat^^ gaudio fruebare ; at ego 
domi sedens perpetua soUicitudine angebar^ ut qui 
periculum actoris recordarer^ laudibus actionis non 
interessem. Turn praeterea multiplices tu fructiis 
abstulisti: non enim-audisti tantum sed et vidisti 
agentem ; nee eloquentia sola sed etiam vultu eius 
et gestu laetatus es. Ego tametsi quid dixerit scio^ 
Ambr. 277 tamen ignoro quemadmodum | dixerit. Postrejno ^ 
.... cui Callistus ^ lacrimas .... patrem .... 
adeptus es . . . . quia .... gaudeo . . . . et 

.... hodie esse si hodie .... mens 

.... in forum descendit natalibus nobilis^ de foro 
rediit eloquentia quam genere nobilior * . . . . 

* Heindorf for Cod. meruerii. 

* • From here to the end of the letter are twenty-six lines. 

^ This word is not certain. 

* From the margin of the Codex. After head of the letter 
the margin has mire acripta cpistola. 



sentence evoked applause^ were filled with joy, while 
I, sitting at home, was tortured with continuous 
anxiety, conscious as I was of the difficulties before 
the pleader, yet unable to share in the praises of his 
pleading. Then you carried away manifold advan- 
tages besides, for yo.u not only heard, but also saw 
the performer, and were delighted not by his elo- 
quence only, but by his look and gesture. For me, 
though I khow what he said, yet I do not know how 
he said it 

He went down to the Forum noble by birth, he 
came back from it more noble by eloquence than by 
lineage .... 





Ex DioNE Cassio^ Ixix. 18 
Kopvqkio^ ^povTUiv 6 Ttt irpurra twv totc ¥(ojxaL(ov iv 


otKaSe iiravLuiV koI fxaOtav irapa. rtvos, w (rvvrjyoprja-eiv 

wcTTTcp €T;(€v, €9 TO StKa(rr)7piov avToi) cio^A^c ical ^<r- 
iratraTO, oirrt ye t<3 Ico^tv^ Trpoapi^fiariy tw *^;(atp€/' oXAa 
T<J iarirepLvS tw " vyiaLve * ')(jyt}<Tap.€VO^. 

Ex EuMENii Panegyrico Conslantii, 14 

Fronto, R^manae eloquentiae non secundum sed 
alterum decus/ quom belli in Britannia confecti 
laudem Antonino principi daret^ quamvis ille in 
ipso Urbis Palatio residens gerendi eius mandasset 
auspieium^ veluti longae navis gubernaculis praesi- 
dentem totius velifieationis et cursus gloriam meruisse 
testatus est. 

^ The point in this story, such as it is, seems to be that 
the court was still sitting in the early morning hours when 
Fronto came in from his banquet. It was a new day to the 
court, but the end of Fronto's day. Hence his use of the 
evening salutation. For the difference between x^^P^i ** Good 




Fronto's Salutation to Hadrian^ 

? About 136 A.D. 

Cornelius Fronto, who held the first place at the 
bar among the Romans of that day^ was returning 
home on one occasion very late in the evening from 
a banquet^ and learning from one for whom he had 
promised to' plead that Hadrian was sitting in courts 
he went in as he was in his banqueting dress to the 
court and saluted him^ not with the morning salu- 
tation x<*^f>^ ^^^' "^i^h tl^c evening one uytaivc. 

From the Speech on the War in Britain 

UO-1 A.D. 

Fronto, not the second but the alternative glory 
of Roman eloquence^ when he was giving the 
emperor Antoninus ^ praise for the successful com- 
pletion of the war in Britain,^ declared that although 
he had committed the conduct of the campaign to 
others^ while sitting at home himself in the Palace 
at Rome^ yet like the helmsman at the tiller of a 
ship of war, the glory of the whole navigation and 
voyage belonged to him. 

cheer" (our "Good morning," or "How do you do?"), and 
iylatv€, "Vale" (our "Good night," or "Good-bye"), see 
Lucian, 'Pro Lapsu in Saluta-ndo, i. , where a mistake in the use 
of these expressions is illustrated at length. 
2 Pius. » 140 A.D. 


Ex Artemidori De Sommis, iv. 24 

'Of teat ^poFTuv 6 dfiOptrucoi $€par€UMy alrrjaa^ cSo^cv 
€v Tois irpoaoTcibi? ircpirarciy jcai TvynroAi^ci ^tford- 
fievos vnpntfyoprfiri iKoySisr us urov ccyai to ^(p^fixi 

Ex Auu Gellii Noci^s Atticis, xix. 8 

iin arena caelum triticum piuralia invemantur : atque 
inibi de quadrigis inimicitiis nonnullis praeterea voca- 
buUs, an singulari numero cotnperiantur, 

1. Adulescentulus Romae priusquam Athenas eon- 
cederem^ quando erat a magistris auditionibusque 
obeundis otium^ ad Frontonein Cornelium visendi 
gratia pergebam^ sermonibusque eius purissimis bon- 
arumque doctrinarum plenis fruebar. Nee umquam 
factum est^ quoties eum vidimus loquentemque audi- 
vimus^ quin rediremus cultiores doctioresque : veluti 
fuit ilia quodam die sermocinatio illius^ levi quidem 
de re^ sed a Latinae tamen linguae studio non ab- 

2. Nam quom quispiam . familiaris eius^ bene 
eruditus homg^ et tum poeta illustris^ liberatum se 
esse aquae intercutis morbo diceret^ quod arenis 
calentibus esset . usus^ tum illudens Fronto : 



Fbonto's Dream-cube 

? 140 A.D. 
Pronto, who suffered from rheumatism, having 
prayed for s cure, dreamt that he was walking in the 
suburbs of the city, and was not a Uttle comforted 
by a close application of fire : so much was this so 
that the result was little short of a cure. 

The plural of arena, caelum, etc. 

Aboal 137 A.D. 
Whether arena, caelum, triticum are found in the 
plural, and incidentally of quadrigae, inimicitiae, and 
MOme other fiiords, whether they are met imik in the 
singalar number. 

1. When I was a young man at Rome, before I 
migrated to Athens, and had a respite from attend- 
ance on masters and at lectures, 1 used to visit 
Cornelius Pronto for the pleasure of seeing him, 
and derived great advantage from his conversation, 
which was in the purest language and full of ex- 
cellent information. And it was invariably the case 
that, as often as we saw him and heard his talk, we 
came away with our taste improved and our minds 
informed ; as, for instance, was the case with that 
discussion by him on one occasion of a question 
trivial in itself indeed yet not unconnected with 
the study of the Latin language, 

2. For when a certain close acquaintance of his, a 
man of learning and a distinguished poet of t*" ~ 
time, told us that he had been cured of a dropsy 
the application of heated "sands," Pronto, banterii 
him, said : 


^^ Morbo quidem " inquit " cares sed verbi vitio 
non cares. Gaius enim Caesar ille perpetuus dic- 
tator^ Cn. Pompeii socer^ a quo familia et appellatio 
Caesarum deinceps propagata est^ vir ingenii prae- 
cellentis^ sermonis praeter alios suae aetatis castis- 
simi^ in libris quos ad M. Ciceronem De Analogia 
conscripsit^ arenas vitiose dici existimat : quod arena 
numquam multitudinis numero appellanda sit^ sicuti 
neque caelum neque triticutn. Contra autem quad- 
rigas, etiam si currus unus equorum quattuor iunct- 
orum agmen unum sit^ plurativo semper numero 
dicendas putat^ sicut anna et moenia et comiiia et 
inimicitiae — ni quid contra ea dicis^ poetarum pul- 
cherrime, quo et te purges et non esse id vitium 

3. " De caelo " inquit ille " et tritico non infitias eo, 
quin singulo semper numero dicenda sint^ neque de 
armis et moenihus et comitiis, quin figura multitudinis 
perpetua censeantur: vide bimus autem post de inimi- 
citiis et quadiigis, Ac fortasse an de quadrigis vete- 
rum auctoritati concessero ; inimicitiam tamen^ sicut 
inscientiam et impotentiam et iniuriam^ quae ratio 
est quam ob rem C. Caesar vel dictam esse a veter- 
ibus vel dicendam a nobis non putat ? quando Plautus^ 
linguae Latinae decus^ deliciam quoque iviKm dixerit 
pro delidis : 

Mea inquit voluptas, mea delicia, 

^ De Bello Parthico, ad Jin, 

* Verg. EcL v. 36, Georg. i. 317, uses hordeum (barley) in 



^^ You are quit indeed of the disease^ but of defect 
in diction you are not quit. Por Gaius Caesar^ the 
son-in-law of Gnaeus Pompeius^ he who was dictator 
for life^ from whom the family and designation of the 
Caesars are derived and still continue^ a man of pre- 
eminent genius and distinguished beyond all his con- 
temporaries! for purity of style, in those books which 
he wrote to Cicero On Analogy,^ \io\ds that arenae is a 
faulty locution, in that arena is never used in the 
plural any more than caelum or triticum ; ^ but his 
opinion is that quadrigae, on the other hand, although 
a single chariot is a single team of horses yoked 
together, should always be spoken of in the plural 
number, just as arma and moenia and comiiia and 
inimicitiae: unless, my most brilliant of poets, you 
have anything to say to the contrary that shall clear 
you and prove that you were not in fault." 

3. '* As to caelum" said the other, '' and triticum, I 
do not deny that they should always be used in the 
singular number; nor as to arma and moenia and 
comitia that they should be regarded as invariably 
plural words : about inimicitiae and quadrigae, how- 
ever, we will consider later ; and possibly as to the 
latter I shall bow to the authority of the ancients. 
But what grounds has C. Caesar for supposing that 
inimicitia was not used by the ancients and cannot be 
used by us, just as much as scientia and impoientia and 
iniuria ? since Plautus, the glory of the Latin tongue, 
has used deUcia also in the singular number for 
deUciae : 

My darling, says he, my delight,^ 

the plural, and is taken to task by Bavius, a rival poet, who 
says he might as well say tritica (wheats). 
' Plautus, Poen. i. ii. 152. 



Inimicitiam autem Q. Ennius in illo memoratissimo 
libro dixit : 

Eo inquit ingenio natus sum ; 

Amicitiam et inimicitiam in f route promptam gero, 

Sed enim arenas parum Latine dici quis^ oro te^ alius 
aut scripsit aut dixit? Ac propterea peto- ut, si 
C. Caesaris liber prae manibus est^ promi iubeas^ ut 
quam confidenter hoc dicat aestimari a te possit." 

4. Tunc prolato libro De Analogia primo^ verba 
haec ex eo pauca memoriae mandavi. Nam quom 
supra dixisset neque caelum triticumve neque arenam 
multitudinis significationem pati : Num tu inquit 
harum rerum natura accidere arbitraris, quod unam 
terram et plures terras, et urbem et urbes, et imperium et 
imperia dicamus, neque quadrigas in unam nmninis jfigu- 
ram redigere, neque arenam in multitudinis appellaiionem 
convertere possimus ? 

5. His deinde verbis lectis sibi^ Fronto ad ilium 
poetam : 

"Videtume tibi" inquit "C. Caesarem de statu 
verbi contra te satis aperte satisque constanter pro- 
nuntiasse ? " 

Tum permotus auctoritate libri poeta: *^ Si a Caesare " 
inquit '^ ius provocandi foret^ ego nunc ab hoc Caesaris 
libro provocarem. Sed quoniam ipse rationem sen- 
tentiae suae reddere supersedit^ nos te nunc rogamus 
ut dicas^ quam esse causam vitii putes et in quadriga 
dicenda et in arenis," 



Inimicitia Q. Ennius has^ in fact^ used in that con- 
stantly-quoted book of his : 

With suck a character did Nature me endow, 
Friendship and enmity I hear upon my bron,.^ 

But indeed, I beseech you, who else has either 
written or said that arenae is fcad. Latin ? And 
therefore I beg that, if Caesar's book be in your 
possession, you should bid it be brought, that you 
may judge how positively he says this.*' 

4. On the first book On Analogy being produced, 
I committed to memory these few words from it. For 
after remarking that neither caelum nor triticum nor 
arena admits of a plural meaning, he ^ goes on. Do 
you think that it remits from the nature of these things, 
that Tve speak of one land and many lands, and of a city 
and cities, and of an empire and empires, hut cannot 
reduce ^' quadrigae " to a noun of singular number nor 
convert " arena " into a term signifying plurality ? 

5. After reading these words Fronto said to the 
poet : 

'*Are you satisfied that C. Caesar has decided 
against you clearly and firmly enough as to the 
status of the word.f*" 

Then the poet, impressed by the authoritative nature 
of the book, said: "If there were the right ot 
appeal from Caesar, I would now appeal from this 
book of Caesar's. But since he has himself omitted 
to give any reason for his verdict, I ask you now to 
tell us what fault you think there is in saying either 
quadriga or arenas'* 
^ From an unknown plaj\ Achilles is speaking. ^ Caesar. 




6. Turn Fronto ita respondit : 

" Quadrigae semper, etsi multiiugae non sunt, mul- 
titudinis tamen tenentur numero, quoniam quattuor 
simul equi iuncti quadrigae, quasi quadriiugae, vo- 
cantur. Neque debet prorsus appellatio equorum 
plurium includi in singularis numeri unitatem. Ean- 
dem quoque de arena rationem habendam, sed in 
specie dispari, nam quom arena singulari numero 
dicta multitudinem tamen et copiam significet mini- 
marum ex quibus constat partium, indocte et inscite 
arcnae dici videntur, tamquam id vocabulum indigeat 
numeri amplitudine, quom ei singulariter dici ^ in- 
genita sit naturalis sui multitudo. Sed haec ego" 
inquit ^^ dixi non ut huius sententiae legisque fundus 
subscriptorque fierem, sed ut ne Caesaris, viri docti, 
opinionem aTrapajjivdrjTov destituerem. 

7. '' Nam quom caelum semper ci/tKws dicatur, mare 
et terra non semper, et pulvis et ventus et fumus non 
semper, cur inducias et caerimonias scriptores veteres 
nonnumquam singulari numero appeilaverunt, yenc? 
et nundinas et infenas et exsequias numquam ? Cur 
mel et vinum et id genus cetera multitudinis nume- 
rum capiunt, lac non capiat ? Quaeri, inquam, ista 
omnia et enucleari et excudi ab hominibus nego- 
tiosis in civitate tam occupata non queunt. Quin his 

^ Read dido with Madvig, or after iHcl aJd <pro2)i'iu7n 

^ Fronto himself used arcita some few years later in 
143 A.D. ; see i. p. 160. It is often used hy Ovid, and also by 
Vergil, Horace, Seneca, etc. 



6. Then Fronto replied as follows : 

'' Quadrigae, even though only one horse is yoked, 
always keeps the plural number, since four horses 
yoked together are called quadrigae, as if it» were 
quadniugae, and certainly that which denotes several 
horses should not be compressed into the oneness of 
the singular number. The same reasoning applies 
also to arena, but from a diiferent point of view, for 
since arena, though used in the singular number, yet 
signifies a plurality and abundance of tiny particles 
of which it is composed, arenae would seem to be 
used ignorantly and improperly, as though that term 
required an enlargement of number, though the con- 
ception of multitude essential to it is naturally ex- 
pressed by the singular number. But I have said 
this,'* he added, "not as the ratifier and 'endorser 
of this verdict and rule,^ but that I might not leave 
the opinion of Caesar, a learned man, without any- 
one to stand up for it. ^ 

7. "For while caelum is always spoken of in the 
singular, mare and terra not always, and pulvis and 
venius SLiidJumus not always, why have the old writers 
occasionally used induciae (a truce) and caerimoniae 
in the singular, but never feriae (holidays) and 
nundinae (market-day) and infenae (sacrifice to the 
dead) and exsequiae (obsequies) ? ^ Why do mel and 
vinum and all other words of that kind adntit of 
a plural, and lac not admit of one? All these 
things, I say, cannot be investigated and unravelled 
and hammered out by citizens so fully occupied 
in so busy a state. Nay, I see that I have kept 

* So funerals in Old English. We use obsequies, though 
Shakespeare has obsequy. 

s 2 


quoque ipsis, quae iam dixi, demoratus vos esse video, 
alicui opinor negotio destinatos. Ite ergo nunc et, 
quando forte erit otium, quaerite an quadrigam et 
arenas dixerit e cohorte ilia dumtaxat antiquiore vel 
oratorum aliquis vel poetarum, id est elassicus ad- 
siduusque aliquis seriptor, non proletarius." 

8. Haec quid em Fronto requirere nos iussit voca- 
bula, non ea re opinor quod scripta esse in ullis 
veterum libris existimaret, sed ut nobis studium lecti- 
tandi in quaerendis rarioribus verbis exerceret. 

Quod unum ergo rarissimum videbatur invenimus, 
quadrigam numero singulari dictam, in libro Saiirarum 
M. Varronis qui inscriptus est Exdemeiricus, Arenas 
autem irXiqOvvTLKi^'i dictas minore studio quaerimus, 
quia praeter C. Caesarem, quod equidem meminerim, 
nemo id doctor um hominum dedit.^ 

Ex AuLi Gellii Nociihus Atiicis, ii. 26 

Semiones M. Frontonis et' Favorini philosophi de 
generibus colorum vocabulisque eorum Graecis et Laiitiis ; 
atque inibi color spadix cuiusmodi sit. 

1. Favorinus philosophus quom ad Frontonem 
consularem pedibus aegrum visum iret, voluit me 
quoque ad eum secum ire. Ac deinde, quom ibi apud 

^ There is some confusion here. Caesar ruled araiae out. 
Pcarce suggests <viiio> dedit or vetuit. 




you over tim^ even by so much as I have already 
said^ bound as you are I suppose on some business. 
Go then now, and when you chance to have the 
time, search whether some orator or poet, belonging 
at least to the more ancient school, that is, some 
writer of classic rank and of substance, and not of 
the common sort, have not used quadriga and 


8. Fronto bade us indeed look out for these words, 
not, I take it, because he thought they were to be 
found in any writings of the ancients, but that he 
might through the search after uncommon words 
practise us in the habit of reading. 

The form, then, which seemed the most un- 
common of all we did find, quadriga spoken of in 
the singular, in the book of Satires by M. Varro 
entitled Exdemetricus. But for arenae in the plural 
we looked with less care, because besides Caesar, as 
far as I remember, no man of learning has banned it. 

Names for the Colours in Latin and Greek 

After 143 a.d. 

Conversation of M. Fronto and Favorinus the philo- 
sopher on the different kinds of colours and the terms for 
them in Greek and Latin ; and incidentally what sort of 
colour is spadix. 


1. When Favorinus the philosopher was on his 
way to visit Fronto, formerly consul, who had gout, 
he wished me also to accompany him thither. 
And then, when there, at Fronto' s house, many 



* Frontonem plerisque viris doctis praesentibus ser- 
mones de coloribus vocabulisque eorum agitarentur^ 
quod multiplex colorum facies^ appellationes autem 
incertae et exiguae forent, *'plura sunt," inquit 
Favorinus, ^^in scnsibiis oculorum quam in verbis 
vocibusque colorum discrimina. Nam ut alias eorum 
concinnitates omittamus, simplices isti rufus et viri- 
dis eolores singula quidem vocabula, multas autem 
species difFerentes habent. Atque eam vocum in- 
opiam in lingua magis Latina video quam in Graeca. 
Quippe qui rufus color a rubore quidem appellatus 
est: sed quom aliter rubeat ignis, aliter sanguis, 
aliter ostrum, aliter crocum,^ has singulas rufi varie- 
tates Latina oratio singulis propriisque vocabulis non 
demonstrate omniaque ista significat una ruboris 
appellatione, quom tamen ex ipsis rebus vocabula 
colorum mutuetur; et igneum aliquid dicit et flam- 
meum et sanguineum et croceum et ostrinum et 
aureum. Russus enim color et ruber nihil a vdsca- 
bulo rufi difFerunt, neque proprietates eius omnes 
declarant, (avSos autem et Ipv0p6% et iruppo^ et xfiolvi^ 
habere quasdam distantias coloris rufi videntur, vel 
augentes euYn vel remittentes vel mixta quadam 
specie temperantes.*' 

^ <aliter aurum> seems to have fallen out; see ameuni 



learned men being present^ a discussion took place 
about colours and their designations^ since there 
were many varieties of colours, but their denomin- 
ations few and ambiguous, Favorinus remarked 
that "more varieties of colour are distinguished 
by the sense of sight than differentiated by words 
and terms of speech. For, to omit their other 
nice blendings, the simple colours red and green 
have indeed separate names but include many dif- 
ferent varieties and the dearth of terms for these 1 
find to be greater in Latin than in Greek. For 
instiince, the colour rufus is indeed called so from 
rubor (redness), but while there is one redness of 
fire, another of blood, another of the sfiell-fish dye, 
another of saffron, (another of gold), yet our Latin 
speech does not discriminate between these separate 
varieties of red by separate and distinctive terms, 
but designates them all by the single term redness, 
though at the same time it borrows names for the 
colours from the objects themselves, and calls a 
thing fiery-red and flame-red and blood-red and 
purple-red and saffron-red and gold-red,^ for the 
colours russns and ruber do not differ at all from the 
colour called rufus, nor do they express its peculiar 
shades ; but fav^os (chestnut) and ipvOpo^ (rvine-red) 
and wvppo^ (flame-red) ^ and ^otvtf (purple-red) ^ seem 
to distinguish certain differences in the colour red, 
either darkening it or making it lighter or giving 
it an intermediate shade." 

^ In our old ballads the *' red gold" often occurs. 

* Plato ( Tim. Ixviii. 3) says it is a mixture of chestnut and 

' From the Phoenician discoverers, or })erhai)s dale- red 
from the palm-tree. See below. 




2. Turn Pronto ad Favorinum : 

" Non infitias/* inquit^ " imus quin lingua Graeca, 
quam tu videre legisse^ prolixior fusiorque sit quam 
nostra : sed in his tamen coloribus^ quibus modo 
dixisti^ designandis non perinde inopes sumus^ ut 
tibi videmur. Non enim haec sunt sola vocabula 
rufum colorem demonstrantia^ quae tu modo dixisti 
rufiu et ruber ; sed alia quoque habemus plura quam 
quae dicta abs te Graeca sunt : Julvus enim et Jlavus 
et rubidus et jrutilus et luteus et spadix appellationes 
sunt rufi coloris, aut acuentes eum quasi incen- 
dentes aut cum colore viridi miscentes aut nigro 
infuscantes aut virenti sensim albo illuminantes. 

3. " Nam phoeniceus, quem tu Graece ^otVuca 
dixisti^ noster est, et rutilus et spadix phoenicei <rvv- 
(avvfw^, qui factus Graece noster est, exuberantiam 
splendoremque significat ruboris ; quales sunt 
fructus palmae arboris non admodum sole incocti, 
unde spadicis et phoenicei nomen est. Spadica 
pmm Dorici vocant avulsum e palma termitem 
cum fructu. 

4. " Fulvus autem videtur, de rufo atque viridi mix- 
tus, in aliis plus viridis, in aliis plus rufi habere : 
sicut poeta, verborum diligentissimus, fulvam aquilam 
dicit et iaspidem, fulvos galeros et fulvum aurum et 



2. Then Fronto said to Favorinus : 

" We do not go as far as to deny that the preek 
language^ in which you seem to be well-read, is 
more comprehensive and copious than our own : still 
in designating those colours which you have just 
mentioned, we are . not so poorly off as you seem 
to suppose. For, in fact, those words which you 
lately mentioned, rufus and ruber, are not our only 
ones to denote the colour red\ but we have others 
besides and more than the Greek ones mentioned 
by you. For fulvus and Jlavus and rubidus and pkoe- 
niceus and rutilus and ItUeus and spadix^ are desig- 
nations of the colour red, either intensifying it, as 
if firing it, or blending it with green, or deepening 
it with black, or softly brightening it with greenish 

3. **For phoeniceus, which you mentioned in its 
Greek form <I>olvl(, is a word of our own, and ruiilus, 
and spadix, which is sjmonymous with phoeniceus — a 
word that, though Greek by origin, is naturalized 
with us — signifies the richness and brilliance of red, 
such as it appears in the fruit of the palm-tree when 
not very much burnt by the sun ; and hence come 
the words spadix and phoeniceus. For the Dorians 
call a branch with fruit broken off from the palm- 
tree a spadix, 

4. '' Fulvus, however, seems to be a blend of red 
and green, in which sometimes the one colour, some- 
times the other, predominates : as a poet, the most 
careful in his choice of words, calls an eagle fulvus^ 
and jasper and wolfskin caps and gold, and sand 

^ These words represent the shades of red : tawny, auburn, 
brick-red, purple-red, golden-red, orange-red, date-red. 



arenam fulvam etfulvum leonetn ; sicque Q.. Ennius in 
Anoalibus aere fulvo dixit. Fiavtis contra videtur ex 
viridi et rufo et albo concretus : sic Jiavenies comae 
et^ qaod mirari quosdam video^ frondes otearum a 
Vergilio dicuntur Jlavae. Sic multo ante Pacuvius 
aquam Jlavam dixit et Jlavum pulverein ; cuius versus^ 
quoniam sunt iucundissimi^ libens commemini : 

Cedo tamen pedem,^ lympMs flavis Jiavum ul pulvereni 
Manibus isdem, quihus UUxi saepe permuLn, abluam, 
Lassitudinemque minuam manuum molUttidine, 

lluhidus autem est rufus atrior^ et nigrore multo 
inixtus.. Luteus contra rufus color est dilucidior : 
unde eius quoque nomen esse factum videtur. Non 
ergo," inquit, "mi Favorine, species rufi coloris 
pi u res apud Graecos quam apud nbs nominantur. 
Sed ne viridis quidem color pluribus ab illis, quam a 
nobis, vocabulis dicitur. Neque non potuit Vergilius, 
colorem equi significare viridem volens, caeruleum 
magis dicere equum quam glaucum : sed maluit 
verbo uti notiore Graeco quam inusitato Latino. 
Nostris autem Latinis veteribus caesia dicta est, quae 
a Graecis yA.avKo>7rt9, ut Nigridius ait, de colore caeli 
quasi caelia.*' 

5. Postquam haec Fronto dixit, tum Favorinus 
scientiam rerum uberem verborumque eius elegan- 

^ Some editors read ccdo fa urn pedem mi. * MSS. atrorr 

1 See Verg. Acn. xi. 751 ; iv. 261 ; vii. 6S8 ; vii. 279 ; xii. 
741 ; iv. 159 {cp. Lucr. v. 902) ; but he also says Jlavinn 
aurum (i. 592). Servius on the passage vii. 688 mentions 
Fronto as speaking of galeram. 

'^ Verg. Acn. iv. 590 ; cp. Hor. Od. i. v. 4. 

•^ From the Nlptra. 



and the lion slW fulvus ;^ and so Quintus in his AnnCtls 
used it of bronze. Flavus, on the other hand^ seems 
to be a combination of green and red and white ; 
thu« tresses are called Jlaventes,^ and, what I find 
surprising to some, Vergil speaks of the leaves of 
olives asjlavae : and so, long before, Pacuvius^ talked 
of water* and dust being Jlavus ; and as his lines are 
most delightful, 1 willingly recall them : 

Reach me thy foot, that these same hands that bathed 

Ulysses o'fl, 
May with the yellow waters cleanse the yellow dust, 
And with, the hand*s soft stroking soothe thy weariness. 

Rtibidys, however, is a darker red with a large pro- 
portion of black. Luteus, on the other hand, is a 
more transparent red, from which its name also 
seems to be derived.^ So you see, my Favorinus, 
that more shades of red have not distinctive names 
among the Greeks than among us. Nor have they 
more terms than we have for expressing the colour 
green either. Vergil, having occasion to describe a 
horse as green, could have used the word caeruleus 
rather than glaucus, but preferred to use a better 
known Greek word than an unusual Latin one.^ Our 
ancient Latin writers called that caesia, which in 
Greek is yXavfcwTrts, as Nigidius '^ says, from the colour 
of the sky, as ii' caelia.'* 

5. When Fronto had said this, Favorinus, compli- 
menting him warmly on his abundant knowledge of 

* Vergil calls the Tiher Jlavus {Aen. vii. 31). 

* The word seems to be taken from a weed lutum, which 
was rather yellow than red. It is used of the dawn by 
Verg. Aen. vii. 26. 

* i.e. caericleics in the sense of green, for which see Pro- 
pertius, iv. ii. 43 ; Ovid, Met. xi. 158. 

^ A Pyfhagorean philosopher and grammarian of Cicero's 



tiam exosculatus : "Absque te'* inquit *^uno forsitan 
lingua profecto Graeca longe anteisset: sed tu^ mi 
Fronto, quod in versu Homerico est, id faeis : 

Kai vv K€V rj irapika.iTa'a^ 17 a.fifji'qpurrov eOrjKas^ 

Sed quom omnia libens audivi, quae peritissime 
dixisti, turn maxime, quod irarietatem flavi coloris 
enarrasti, feeistique, ut intelligerem verba ilia ex 
annali quarto decimo Ennii ambenissima quae minime 
intelligebam : 

Verrunt extemplo placide^ mare marniore jiavo : 
Caeruleum spumat mare conferta rate pulsum. 

Non enim videbatur, caeruleum mare cum marmore 
flavo convenire. Sed quom sit, ita ut dixisti, flavus 
color viridi et aibo mixtus, pulcherrime prorsus 
spumas virentis maris ^awo marmore appellavit." 

Ex AuLi Gellii Nociibus Aiticis, xiii. 28 

Quod Quadrigarius cum multis mortalibus dixit, an 
quid et quantum differret si diodsset cum multis homi- 

Veuba sunt Claudii Quadrigarii ex Annalium eius 
tertio decimo : 

Condone dimissa Metellus in Capitolium venit cum 
multis mortaUbus : inde quom domum proficisceretur tota 
civitas eum reduxit. 

^ Editors read placidum, 


facts and his felicity of expression, remarked., " But 
for you alone perhaps the Greek language would 
have come in first by a long way. But you, my 
Fronto, exemplify Homer*s verse : 

Now had you passed me hy in the race or made it a 
dead heat?- 

But while I listened with delight to all that you 
have so learnedly said, yet I was especially pleased 
with your analysis of the varieties of the colour 
flavus, and at your enabling me to understand those 
most charming lines from the fourteenth book of the 
Annals of Ennius, which I never understood : 

They sweep forthwith the tranquil water s yellow flow ; 
Churned hy the close-packt fleet the dark-blue ocean foams. 

For the ^dark-blue* sea did not seem to corre- 
spond with the * yellow ' flow. But since you have 
told us that the colour flavus is a blend of green and 
white, the foam of the green sea was assuredly most 
beautifully expressed hyflavo marmore.*' 

" Many Men " and " Many Mortals " 

AJler 143 a.d. 

Inasmuch as Quadrigarius ^ uses the eocpression '' with 
many mortals,'* what and how much difference it would 
make if he had said *'with many men,** 

The words from the thirteenth book of the Afinals 
of Claudius Quadrigarius are : 

The assembly being dismissed, Metellus came into the 
Capitol with many mortals : on his return home from 
there he was escorted by the whole city. 

1 Horn. 11. xxiii. 382. 

* A historian at the beginning of the first century b.c. 
who wrote a history of Rome from its capture by the Gauls. 



Quom is liber eaque verba M. Frontoni, nobis ei 
ae plerisque aliis adsistentibus, legerentur, et cuidam 
baud sane viro indocto videretur multis mortaUhus pro 
hominibus multis inepte frigideque in historia jiimis- 
que id poetice dixisse, turn Fronto illi, cui hoc vide- 
batur : 

"Ain* tu" inquit "aliarura homo rerum iudicii 
elegantissimi mortaUhus multis ineptum tibi videri et 
frigidum? Nil autem arbitrare causae fuisse quod 
vir modestus et puri et prope cotidiani sermonis 
7nortalihus maluit quam hominibus dicere ? Eandem- 
que credis futuram fuisse multitudinis demonstra- . 
tionem, si cum multis hominibus ac non cum multis 
mortalibus diceret ? Ego quidem sic existimo, nisi si 
me scriptoris istius omnisque antiquae orationis amor 
atque veneratio caeco esse iudicio facit, longe lateque 
esse amplius prolixius fusiusque in significanda totius 
prope civitatis multitudine mortales quam homines 
dixisse. Namque multorum hominum appellatio in- 
tra modicum quoque numerum cohiberi atque includi 
potest, multi autem mortales nescio quo pacto et 
quodam sensu enarrabili omne fere genus quod in 
civitate est et ordinum et aetatum et sexus compre- 
hendunt. Quod scilicet Quadrigarius, ita ut res erat, 
ingentem et promiscam multitudinem volens osten- 
dere, cum multis mortalibus Metellum in Capitolium 
venisse dixit, e/i</>artKo>r€pov quam si cum multis 
hominibus dixisset." 



When that book and those words were read to 
Fronto, while I and many more were sitting with 
him, it was the opinion of a person present, and one 
by no means unlearned, that it was absurd and frigid 
in a historical work to say ^^ with many mortals ** in- 
stead of ^^ with many men/' and savoured too much 
of poetry: then said Fronto to him who had. ex- 
pressed this view : 

^^ Do you, a man of the correetest taste in other 
things, affirm that you think ^many mortals' an 
absurd and frigid expression ? And do you suppose 
that a man so discreet and master of so pure and 
current a style had no motive for preferring ^ mortals * 
to * men ' ? And do you believe that it would have 
given the same convincing picture of a multitude of 
men if he had substituted multis hondnihus for multis 
mortaUbus ? For my part, unless my love and rever- 
■ence for that writer and for all the language of our 
old authors blinds my judgment, I hold ^ that, in so 
describing the concourse of nearly a whole city, 
* mortals * is an expression far and away more ample, 
more comprehensive, and more copious than simply 
^men.' For the phrase muUi hoinines can be con- 
tracted and compressed to mean quite a moderate 
number, while muUi mortales in some mysterious 
wayand by some subtle nuance includes almost the 
whole body of citizens of every class and age and 
sex. And surely Quadrigarius, wishing to describe 
what was actually the fact, the presence of a huge 
and mixed multitude, said that Metellus went 
into the Capitol * with many mortals * more 

emphatically than if he had said ^with many 

» »f 



Ea nos omnia quae Fronto dixit quom ita^ ut par 
erat^ non adprobantes tantum sed admirantes quoque 

"V^idete tamen" inquit "ne existimetis semper 
atque omni loco mortales multos pro multis mor- 
talibus esse dicendum^ ne plane fiat Graeeum illud 
de Varronis Satira proverbium to cttI t^ c^qk^ fivpov.** 

Hoc iudicium Frontonis, etiam in parvis minu- 
tisque vocabulis, non praetermittendum putavi, ne 
nos forte fugeret lateretque subtilior huiuscemodi 
verborum consideratio. 

Ex AuLi Gellii Noctihus Atticis, xix. 10 

Ferba kaec praeter propter in usu volgari prodita etiam 


1. Memini me quondam et Celsinum lulium Nu- 
midam ad Frontonem Cornelium, pedes tunc graviter 
aegrumj ire visere. Atque ibi qui introducti sumus 
ofTendimus eum cubantem in scimpodio Graeciensi, 
circum undique sedentibus multis doctrina aut genere 
aut fortuna nobilibus viris. Adsistebant fabri aedium 
complures balneis novis moliendis adhibiti ; ostende- 
bantque depictas in membranulis varias species bal- 
nearum. Ex quibus quom elegisset unam formam 



When we were thus listening to all this that 
Fronto said, as was natural, not only with approba- 
tion but with admiration, he added : 

"Take care, however, not to think that multi 
mortales should be used always and on every occasion 
for multi homines, that the Greek proverb from 
Varro's Satire, myrrh-oil on a dish q/ lentils, may not 
be actually exemplified." ^ 

This criticism of Frontons, though concerned with 
trifling and unimportant locutions, I thought worthy 
to be recorded, that we should not fail, perchance, 
through neglect or inadvertence to apply a nice 
discrimination to words of this kind. 

On praeter propter 

That the expression praeter propter, which has come to 
he a vulgarism, is found in Ennius, 

After 143 a.d. 

1. I REMEMBER that JuHus Celsinus Numida and I 
once went to call on Cornelius Fronto who was at 
the time suffering from gout. When we were 
admitted, we found him lying on a pallet-bed ot 
Grecian pattern with many persons eminent for 
learning, birth or fortune sitting round him. Several 
architects, called in for the construction of a 
new bath, were in attendance, and they were ex- 
hibiting various sketches of baths drawn upon little 
scrolls of parchment. When he had chosen one 

^ A proverb for ** wasting a good thing "; see also Oic. Ad 
AU. i. 19. 

VOL. n. T 


speciemque veri,^ interrogavit quantus esset pecuniae 
conspectus ad id totum opus absolvendum ? Quom 
architectus dixisset necessario videri esse sestertia 
ferme trecenta, unus ex amicis Frontonis " et praeter 
propter** inquit "alia quinquaginta." 

2. Turn Fronto dilatis sermonibus, quos habere de 
balnearum sumptu instituerat> aspiciens ad eum 
amicum^ qui dixerat " quinquaginta esse alia opus 
praeter propter^' "Quid hoc verbi esset praeter 
propter}^' interrogavit. 

Atque ille amicus "non* meum" inquit "hoc 
verbum est sed multorum hominum quos loquentes 
id audias. Quid autem id verbum significet non ex 
me sed ex grammatico quaerendum est^" ac simul 
digito demonstrat grammaticum^ haud incelebri. no- 
mine Romae docentem, sedentem. 


3. Turn grammaticus usitati pervolgatique verbi 
obscuritate motus^ *^quaerimus" inquit "quod honore 
quaestionis minime dignum est. Nam nescio quid 
hoc praenimis plebeium est et in opificum sermon- 
ibus quam in hominum doctor um notius." 

At enim Fronto iam voce atque voltu intentiore : 

"Itane'* inquit "magister, dehonestum tibi de- 
culpatumque hoc verbum videtur, quo et M. Cato et 
M. Varro et pleraque aetas superior ut necessario et 
Latino usi sunt ? " 

4. Atque ibi lulius Celsinus admonuit in tragoedia 
quoque Q. Ennii^ quae Iphigenia inscripta est^ id 

* MS. veris, Lipsius and J. W. E. Pearce suggest speeiosi 



of these plans^ and a sketch of the actual thing, he 
asked what was the estimate for completing the 
whole work ; and on the architect sapng that about 
300,000 sesterces ^ would seem to be required, one of 
Fronto's friends said " and another 50,000 * there or 

2. Then Fronto postponing the discussion which 
he had begun, as to the cost of the bath, turned to 
the friend, who had said that another 50,000 there 
or thereabout was required, and asked him what he 
meant by the expression praeter propter. 

And the friend answered, "It is not my word ; you 
can hear numbers of people using it. But as to its 
meaning, you must not ask me but the grammarian 
yonder," indicating at the same time a person who 
was present of no small note as a teacher of grammar 
at Rome. 

3. Then the grammarian, influenced by the mean- 
ness of a word in very common use, said, "The question 
is quite unworthy of our discussion. For the word 
is somehow too vulgar and more often to be met 
with in the conversation of mechanics than of 
educated men." 

But Jfronto at this point shewing more earnestness 
in his tone and looks said : 

"And so this word appears to you, master, im- 
proper and faulty, which M. Cato and M. Varro and 
many generations of our predecessors used as in- 
dispensable and good Latin } " 

4. Here Julius Celsinus reminded us that the 
very word which we were enquiring about occurred 
also in the tragedy of Ennius called Ipkigenia, and 

1 About £3,000. - About £500. 


T 2 


ipsuin de quo quaereretur scriptum esse, et a gram- 
maticis contaminuri magis solitum quani enarrari. 
Quocirea statim proferri Iphigeniam Q. Ennii iubet. 
In eius tragoediae choro inscriptos esse hos versus 
legimus : 

Otio qui nesdl uti, plus negotii 

Hahet quam quom est negolium in negotio.^ 

Nam cui quod agat institutum est, nullo negotio 

In agil, id siudei, ibi mentem aique animum delectat suum. 

Olioso in otio animus nescit quid velit. 

Hoc idem est ; neque'^ domi nunc nos nee militiae sumus ; 

Imus hue, hinc iliac ; quom illuc ventmnst ire illinc Iubet ; 

Incerte errat animus, praeter propter vitam vivitur. 

5. Hoc ubi lectum est, turn deinde Fronto ad 
grammaticum iam labantein : 

"Audistine," inquit, '^ magister optime, Ennium. 
tuum dixisse praeter propter, et cum sententia quidem 
tali, quali severissimae philosophorum esse obiur- 
gationes solent ? Petimus igitur dicas, quoniam de 
Enniano iam verbo quaeritur, qui sit notus huiusce 
versus sensus : 

Incerte errat animus, praeter propter vitam vivitur.'* 

Et grammaticus sudans multum ac rubens mul- 
tum, quom id plerique prolixius riderent, exsurgit, 
et abiens "Tibi/' inquit, " Fronto, postea uni dicam, 
ne inscitiores audiant et discant." 

Atque ita omnes relicta ibi quaestione verbi con- 

^ Merry reads negotiosod utitur negotio. 
'^ Merry reads idem Khio- est iieqiie. 



that the meaning was as a rule rather tangled than 
unravelled by the .grammarians. So he desired the 
Iphigenia of Q. Ennius to be brought forthwith ; and 
in a chorus of that tragedy we read these lines : 

He who can use not ease more labour has 
Than when his labour in his labour lies. 
For he who does what he ha^ planned inakes it 
No labour ; heart and mind delight therein : 
In idle ea^e the Heart knon)s not its fvish. 
So we : at home we are not nor abroad ; 
This way we go, then that ; no sooner come. 
We wish to go elsen^here ; we vacillate^ 
And live but there or thereabout our life, 

» 5. When this passage had been read, Fronto turn- 
ing to the grammarian, who was now feeling un- 
comfortable, said : 

^^ Do you hear, excellent master, that your friend 
Ennius has used praeter propter, and in a sentiment 
as dignified as the severest scolding by philosophers 
could be ? We beg you, therefore, since we are 
enquiring about a word used by Ennius, to tell us 
what is held to be the meaning of this verse : 

Incerte errat animus, praeter propter vitam vivitur.'* 

And the grammarian, sweating pfofusely and 
blushing profusely, as most of us were laughing 
heartily at his dilemma, got up and, as he went out, 
said, ^'I will give you an answer some time when you 
are alone, as I do not wish the more ignorant 
listeners to hear and profit by what I say.'* 

After this we all rose up, leaving the discussion of 
the word there. 



Ex AuLi Gellii Noctibiis Atticis, xix. 13 
Quos pumiliones dicimus Graece vavovs appellari. 

1. Stabant forte una in vestibule Palatii fabulantes 
Fronto Cornelius et Festus Postumius et Apollinaris 
Sulpicius; atque ego adsistens cum quibusdam aliis 
sermones eorum, quos de litterarum disciplinis habe- 
bant^ curiosius captabam. 

2. Turn Fronto Apollinari : 

'^Fac me" inquit "oro, magister, ut sim certus, 
an recte supersederim nanos dicere parva nimis 
statura homines maluerimque eos pumiliones appel- 
lare, quoniam hoe scriptum esse in libris veterum . 
memineram : iianos autem sordid um esse verbum et 
barbarum credebam." 

3. "Est quidem hoc" inquit Apollinaris '^ in con- 
suetudine imperiti volgi frequens^ sed barbarum non 
est, censeturque linguae Graecae origine ; vavovs • 
enim Graeci vocaverunt brevi atque humili corpore 
homines, paulum supra terram extantes, idque ita 
dixerunt adhibita quadam ratione etymologiae, cum 
sententia vocabuli competente ; et si memoria " in- 
quit " mihi non labat, scriptum hoc est in comoedia 
Aristophanis, cui nomen est 'A^XaiJ?.^ Fuissetque 
autem verbum hoc ab te civitate donatum aut in 
Latinam coloniam deductum, si tu eo uti dignatus 
fores, essetque id impendio probabilius, quam quae a 

^ MS. 'AwaXe'y or 'AxAavcf. Brunck thinks the word 
should be KdoKoKos (Dindorf, Fragm, 134). 



On the wokD FOR Chvarf 
Thai those whom me call pumiliones are named vavoi 
'" ^'^**- AJler 143 a.d. 

1. It chanced that Cornelius Fronttt and Postu- 
mius Festus and Sulpicius Apollinmris were standing 
together in the porch of the Palace talking. I was 
standing by at the same time with some others and 
eagerly listening to their conversation on the niceties 
of language. 

2. Then said Pronto to Apollinaris : 

"Certify me, I beseech you, master, whether I 
was right in giving up speaking of men of very small 
stature as nani and preferring to call them pamiliones, 
since I remembered to have seeh the word in the 
' old writers : ' but nam I believed to be a mean and 
barbarous word." 

3. " This word," said Apollinaris in reply, " is in 
fact commonly used by the uneducated vulgar, but 
it is not barbarous, and is classified as Greek by 
origin ; for the Greeks styled vavoi, men of short and 
low stature, such as stood but little above the ground ; 
and they useJ, it in this way from some reference to 
its etvmotogy, which tallies with the meaning of the 
word. And if my memory," he added, " is not at 
fault, it is found in the comedy of Aristophanes 
which is called 'AkAo^^. But this word would at once 
have been granted the franchise or been naturalij— ' 
as a Latin colonist, if you had deigned to use it, s 
would be ever so much more worthy of approval tl 

' Lucr. iv. wa.patvulapu'inilia. 


Laberio ignobilia nimis et sordentia in usum linguae 
Latinae intromissa sunt." 


4. Turn Festus Postumius grammatico cuipiam 
Latino^ Frontoni familiari "Docuit" inquit "nos 
Apollinaris nanos verbum Graecum esse ; tu nos 
doce^ in quo de mulis aut equuleis humilioribus 
volgo dicitur^ anne Latinum sit^ et apud quern scrip- 
turn reperiatur ? " 

5. Atqui ille grammatieus^ homo sane perquam in 
noscendis veteribus scriptis exercitus, " Si piaculum " 
inquit *'non committitur, praesente Apollinari^ quid 
de voce ulla Graeca Latinave sentiam dicere, audeo 
tibi, Feste, quaerenti respondere, esse hoc verbum 
Latinum^ scriptumque inveniri in poematis Helvii 
Cinnae^ non ignobilis neque indocti poetae " ; ver- 
susque eius ipsos dixit quos^ quoniam memoriae mihi 
forte aderant, adscripsi : 

At nunc me Cenumana per salicta 
Binis rkeda rapit citata nanis, 

Gratiarum Actio in Senatu pro 
Carthaoiniensibus ^ 

Sicut Rhodum condidisti. Ceteros omnium popu- 


^ Found by Mai in a palimpsest {Cod. Palat, xxiv. fF. 53 
and 46). Only the last 400 or so letters from the end of the 
speech are consecatively decipherable out of about 2,600. 
The scattered words legible from the rest of the speech 
contained a reference to the Carthaginian sea-power and 



the much too mean and vulgar expressions brought 
by Laberius into use in Latin." 

i. Then Postumius Festus, turning to a Latin 
grammarian, a friend of Fronto's, said, " Apollinaris 
has told us that nani is a Greek word. Will you 
inform us whether, as commonly used of mules and 
small horses, it is a Latin word, and in what author 
it is found ? " 
' 5. And the grammarian, a man without a doubt 
exceptionally versed in the writings of the ancients, 
said, " If I am not guilty of criminal presumption in 
saying, with Apollinaris present, what I think of 
any Greek or Latin word, I venture, Festus, in 
answer to your question to say that this word is 
Latin and is found written in the poems of Helvius 
Cinna.i no mean or unlearned poet," and he recited 
his actual verses, which, as they happened to stick in 
my memory, I liave added ; 

Now smjlly past Citalpiite mliow-ikickels 
My phaeton and pair of jennets whirled nte. 

Just as you rebuilt Rhodes. Whatever Gods there 

empire, to seititi67ies orbi, to a shrine, and pogsibl 
thinks, to the elder Faustina. The dots in the 
represent the actual letters lost. 


lorum atque omnium urbium deos precor quaesoque 
ut salutem tuam^ qua imperium populi Romani nos- 
traque salus et provinciarum et omnium gentium ac 
nationum libertas dignitas securitas nititur^ in longa 
tempora protegant et diuturnius te salvom sistant^ 
atque urbes ita ut incolumes sint in . . imum 
. . restituas . , atque praecipuas virtutes con- 
servent <ut> Latini nominis . . omamentum . . 
causa tem .... nostrarum variarum fortunarum 

Ex Octavio Minucii Felicis, ix. 8 

Et de convivio notum est : passim omnes loquuntur : 
id etiam Cirtensis nostri^ testatur oratio : — 

*^Ad epulas solemni die coeunt cum omnibus 
liberis sororibus matribus sexus omnis homines et 
omnis aetatis. Illic post multas epulas^ ubi convi- 
vium caluit ^ et. incestae libidinis, ebrietatis ^ fervor 
exarsit, canis qui candelabro nexus est, iactu ofFulae 
ultra spatium lineae, qua vinctus est, ad impetum et 
saltum provocatur: sic everso et extincto conscio 
lumine impudentibus tenebris nexus infandae cupi- 
ditatis involvunt per incertum sortis, et si non 

^ cp. Min. Fel. xxxi. I. Sic de isto [convivio) et tuus Fronto non 
lU affirmator testimonium fecit sed convicium ut orator aspersit. 
2 Or incaluit. Naber reads coaluit. 
' Hildebrand would read cbriolatis. 

* Nothing more is known of this speech or the attitude of 
Fronto towards the Christians. Some of these were put to 
death under Lollius Urbicus, the praef. urbi at Rome in 152, 
and again under Rusticus in 163. Had Fronto gone to Asia 



be of all peoples and of all cities I pray and beseech 
to guard for long years to come your healthy on 
which is based the empire of. the Roman People and 
our safety and the liberty, dignity, and security of 
the provinces and of all races and nations, and to 
keep you safe far into the future, and the cities so 
that they be unharmed .... may you restore 
.... and may they keep their conspicuous virtues 
(to be) .... an ornament of the Latin name .... 
the mainstay of our changing fortunes. 

The '* Incestuous Banquets" of the Christians 

And about their banquet the facts are known : 
they are common talk everywhere : the speech ^ of 
our fellow citizen from Cirta also bears witness to 
them : — 

'' On a regular day they come together for a feast 
with all their children and sisters and mothers, per- 
sons of both sexes and of every age. Then after 
much feasting, when the banquet has waxed hot 
and the passion of impure lust and drunkenness has 
been kindled in the company, a dog which has been 
tied to the standing lamp is incited to jump and 
bound up by a little cake thrown to it beyond its 
tether. The tell-tale light being by this means cast 
down and extinguished, the guests under cover of 
the shameless darkness embrace one another in 
their unspeakable concupiscence, as chance brings 

as proconsul in 154 (see i. p. 237), he would have had to 
deal with the incident of Polycarp's martyrdom. The 
accusation of Oveo-rm Sciirva against the Christians was com- 
mon : see Tert. Apoh vii.; Justin, Apol. i. 26, etc. 



omnes opera, conscientia tamen pariter incesti, quo- 
niam voto universorum adpetitur quidquid accidere 
potest in actu singulorum." ^ 

Ex M. Antonini libro Pro Rebus Suis, i. 11 

Tiapa ^povTiavo^ to cTrtor^crat, oia rj rvpawiKYj fia- 
(TKavia KoX troiKiXia kcu vTroKpiari^ kol otl ojs cTrnrav ol 
KoKovfXivoi ovTOL Tvap rfjjuv EvzrarptSat acTTopyoTcpoi ttws 


^ The paragraph immediately preceding this in Min. Felix, 
giving an equally un veracious description of the ** Thyestean 
banquets " attributed to the Christians, is similar in style to 
this extract, and probably came from the same source. 
Another quotation from Fronto's speech against the Chris- 
tians may be possibly found in a sentence Ex Jsidori Ori- 
ginibus, xv. 2, 46 (De carcere a coercendo dieto) : Vt pcrgraecari 
potius amoenis locis quam coerceri videretur. The words cer- 
tainly read like Fronto's.. 



them together, and, if not in fact yet in guilt, all are 
alike incestuous, since whatever can result by the 
act of individuals is potentially desired by the wish 
of all." ^ 

What Marcus learnt from Fronto 

About 176 a.d. 

From Fronto : ^ to note the envy, the subtlety, 
and the dissimulation which are habitual to a tyrant ; 
and that, as a general rule, those amongst us who 
rank as Patricians are somewhat wanting in natural 

^ He learnt other and even better things from him ; sec 
i. p. 17. 
^ See Ad Verirni, 11. 7, and Just. Instil. 11. 18 fr. 




Marcus as Letter-writer 

Perhaps the more interesting part of the Fronto 
correspondence is that which contains the letters of 
Marcus and Pius. But we cannot fairly judge of 
their epistolary style from these alone. Philostratus 
says^ that "in his opinion the best letter writers for 
style were .... of kings the deified Marcus in the 
letters he wrote himself^ for the firmness {to khpalov) 
of his character was reflected in his writing by his 
choice of language ; and of orators Herodes the 
Athenian^ though by his over-atticism and prolixity ^ 
he often oversteps the bounds proper to the epistolary 

Marcus was a prolific letter-writer. According 
to Capitolinus ^ he defended himself against calumny 
by letters. To his friends he sometimes^ as we see 
below, wrote three times in one day. On one occasion 
he tells us that he had dictated thirty letters,* but 
these were probably official correspondence. Nearly 
200 of his imperial rescripts are extant, which though 
interesting would be out of place here. Many are in 

^ EfnstUsy p. 364, Kayser. 

2 We have only one letter of his, and it certainly is not 
prolix, for it consists of but one word, ifxdvriSy addressed to 

'Avidius Cassius when he revolted. 

3 VU. Mar, xxii. 6 ; xxix. 5 ; cp. xxiii. 7, 9. 
« See i. p. 185. 




the form of letters.^ They contain characteristic 
sayings such as " No one has a right to let his own 
negligence prejudice others " ;* " Let those who have 
charge of our interests know that the cause of liberty 
is to be set before any pecuniary advantage to our- 
selves";^ " It would not be consistent with humanity 
to delay the enfranchisement of a slave for the sake 
of pecuniary gain";* "It would seem beyond 
measure unfair that a husband should insist upon a 
chastity from his wife which he does not practise 
himself" ;^ '^ Nothing must be done contrary to local 

In answer to Ulpius Eurycles/ curator of Ephesus^ 
asking what should be done with old decayed statues 
of preceding emperors in the Ephesian senate house^ 
we find the interesting pronouncement^ "There must 
be no re- working of the material into likenesses of us. 
For as we are not in other respects solicitous ot 
honours for ourselves^ much less should we permit 
those of others to be transferred to us. As many of 
the statues as are in good preservation should be 
kept under their original names^ but with respect to 
those that are too battered to be identified^ perhaps 
their titles can be recovered from inscriptions on 
their bases or from records that may exist in the 
possession of the Council^ so that our progenitors 
may rather receive a renewal of their honour than 

* e.g. those which are addressed to " My dearest Piso," 
**My dearest Saxa," etc. Digest, xlviii. 18, 1, §27; iMd. 
xxix. 5, 3, etc. 

* Digest, ii. 15, 3. * Just. Inst. iii. 11. 

* Digest, xl. 6, 37. 

* Augustine, de Adult, ii. 8. 

* An inscription found at Ephesus dated 164 a.d. See 
Oesterr. Archaol. Instit. 1913, ii. 121. 



its extinction through the melting down of their 

There are, besides, two or three inscriptions and 
one papyrus, all much mutilated,^ recording letters 
or rescripts of Marcus^ one in 163 to Pontius Laelianus, 
consul of that year. It contains a rare word yXwo-o-o- 
KOfiov, rejected by Phrynichus.^ 

Besides the above there are extant only two letters 
or parts of letters that are certainly genuine. Follow- 
ing these are two letters from Christian sources, the 
letter to Euxenianus Publio with respect to Abercius, 
bishop of Hieropolis, and the letter to the Senate 
purporting to give a report of the "Miraculous 
Victory " over the Quadi. The fact of the victory 
with the unexpected salvation of the Roman army is 
certain, but the heathen writers attribute it to the 
prayers of the emperor or the incantations of an 
Egyptian magician. 

After these two letters come ten short epistles, or 
parts of such, which would be of considerable in- 
terest if their authenticity were established. Till 
comparatively lately they were accepted unquestion- 
ingly, and afforded material for charges against 
Marcus. They are all found in the Scriptores 
Historiae Augustae, a late compilation of the fourth 
Century, intended as a supplement to Suetonius's 
Ldves of the Caesars, and attributed to various 

But in spite of Renan and Waddington and Naber 
and others, who have quoted them as evidence, they 
cannot be regarded as genuine. They contain several 

^ Boeckh, Inscr. Qraec, i. 1319 ; Kaibel, ibid, iii. 39a ; 
Aegypt, Urktmden. i. 74. 
2 Kaibel, Gfreek Insc. iv. 1534, Phrynichus 98, AB 32. 

U 2 


later words^ and their style is rhetorical and unworthy 
of the subjects treated. The puerile playing upon 
words^ Avidius . . . avidus, etc. betrays their artificial 
character. Writing of Cassius, the general who 
conducted the Parthian war to a successful conclusion 
and afterwards in 175 rebelled against Marcus^ the 
latter is represented as quoting yi/u)/i,at from Suetonius 
instead of giving his own opinions. Moreover facts 
mentioned in the letters are at variance with what is 
known from other sources. For instance^ Marcus was 
not in or near Rome in 175, as required by the 
Faustina correspondence; nor was Pompeianus, his 
son-law, consul in 176 ; nor was Lucius ever spoken 
of as grandson of Pius, but always as his son and 
the brother of Marcus; nor could Fadilla in 175 be 
alluded to as puella virgo, for by that time she would 
have been twenty-five and almost certainly married. 
It is also incredible that Avidius Cassius should 
have contemplated revolt, and so openly as to arouse 
definite suspicions in the mind of Verus, so long 
before the actual outbreak. We know from Fronto's 
letters^ that Verus and Cassius were on excellent 
terms as late as 165, and Fronto's own letter ^ to 
him shews the estimation in which he was then held. 
When C^sius revolted, Marcus felt it deeply as 
the defection of a friend.^ Equally rhetorical and 
fictitious is a letter said to be from Cassius to his 
son-in-law : * " Marcus is assuredly an excellent man, 
but while he covets a reputation for clemency, he 
lets those live whose lives he does not approve. 
Where is Lucius Cassius, whose name I bear in vain } 

* Ad Ver. ii. 3. * Ad Amicos, i. 6. 
» Dio, Ixxi. 24. 

* Vulcatius Gallicanus, Vit. Avid, Cass. 14. 



Where the great Marcus Cato the Censor? Where 
all the discipline of our ancestors ? Marcus Antoninus 
philosophizes and enquires about first principles and 
about the soul and about what is honourable and 

just, and has no thought for the State ^ You 

have heard of the prqefecius prcietorio ^ of our philo- 
sopher, who was a beggarly pauper three days before 
he was appointed, but has suddenly become rich — 
whence, pray, if not from the vitals of the State and 
the property of the provincials ? ^ Well, let them be 
rich, let them be opulent : they will serve to fill the 
public treasury." By a commonplace of the rhetorical 
schools Cassius in another passage is made to liken 
himself to Catiline and Marcus to the dialogista 

However there are some touches in the corres- 
pondence which are true to character, such as the 
words attributed to Lucius, " I do not hate the man," 
which are in keeping with his well-known honitas, 
and the " Perish my children" of Marcus, which he 
might well have said. But he is not likely to have 
quoted Suetonius or Horace, to the latter of whom he 
took a dislike ^ in his younger days. The fabricator 
of the letters was perhaps Aemilius Parthenianus, 
a writer of the third or fourth century. 

^ Contrary to fact ; see Herodian, i. 4, § 2, and Dio, quoted 
2 Bassaeiis Rufus is jneant. He was pracf. praet. 168-177. 

* But see Dio, Ixxi. 3, 3. 

* For the whole question of the authenticity of these 
letters see Czwalina, De Epistulartim quae a acriptoribus 
historiqe Augustae prof eruntur fide, 

» See i. p. 139. 



BoECKH, Itucr. Graec. 3176 

Mapxos Avpi/Xios Katcrap avroKparopo^ ILaicrapa^ 
TiTOv AlXiov 'ASptavoD *Akto)V€iVov Sc^Saorov^TraTpo? 
TrarpiBoi vid$, 8rfiJiap)(iKrjs cfovcrtas, vTraros ro /3, <rwo- 
8<{> r<p TTcpi Tov Bpicrca Atoia;o'ov ;(atpciv* 

Evvoca v/i,o>v ^v c^cSct^ao'^e arvvrfa'6€VT€^ fiOL yewTjOeyros 
viov, €t Kat crcpois rovro airiPrj, ovBkv rfrrov ^avcpa 

To ij/T^ifiurpxL hrfypaif/cv T. 'ArctXios Ma^i/Xros 6 Kpa- 
TtCTOS av^uTraros Kal ifitXo^ "qfidv, 

^ppSitrOai v/xa$ ^ovKofiai. Upo i KoA. 'A7rp€(A.. dn-o 

T-^v ljriypa<f>yjy iroirjcravro^ M. 'ArrcDi'tov *ApT€fia, 
8(i>peav ra/Aicvovros SovAttikiov Pov^civov. 

Ex Philostrati Ft/tf Sophistarum, p. 242 (Kayser) 

Mcra Ttt €v T^ HawcDviIgi 8ii;TaT0 /x€v 6 'HpcoSYjc Iv ry 
*AttucJ TTcpi rovs <^iA.rdrovs cairr^ Si;/xovs MapaOwva Koi 

^ This inscription is on a stone, found at Smyrna, recording 
the minutes of a guild- meeting of the mystae (initiated), who 
met in the temple of Dionysus Briseus at Smyrna. 

' Titus Aelius Antoninus, to whom there is an inscription 
in the Exhedra of Herodes at Olympia ; see Dessau, ii. 8803. 



Marcus to the Guild of Dionysus Briseus at 

Smyrna ^ 

March 28, 147 a.d. 

Marcus Aurelius Caesar, soii of the Emperor 
Caesar Titus Aelius Adrianus Augustus, Father of 
his country, invested with Tribunitian Power, Consul 
for the second time, to the Synod of the Guild of 
Dionysus Briseus, greeting: 

Your good will which you shewed in congratu- 
lating me on the birth of a son,^ even though the 
issue belted our hopes, was none the less manifest. 

T. Atilius Maximus, the most honourable proconsul 
and our friend, inscribed the decree. 

I wish you farewell: from Lorium, the 28th March. 

The inscription was made by M. Antonius Artemas, 
Sulpicius Rufinus being honorary treasurer. 

Marcus and Herodes Atticus 

176 A.D. 

After the events in Pannonia^ Herodes lived in 
Attica in his favourite demes of Marathon and 

There is a difficulty about the birth of this son, as Capit. 
Vit. Mardj vi. 6, says that Marcus received the Trib. Pot. 
on the birth of a daughter j and yet we know he received it 
in 147. The daughter was born in 146. 

* For these see Marcus Antoninus in the Loeb series, pp. 
366 flF. 



Ki/f^urtav, i$rffynjfi€vrjs avrov rrj^ TravraxpOev vcdrifros, ot 
KOT Ipwra Twv Ik€Cvov Xoywv iff^Crtov *A6i^va^€, 

IIcTpav 8^ 7roiov/i.cvos, firj )(ak€iros avr^ cii; Sta ra cv 
T<p SucaarrfpifOy irlfiTrei vpos avrov cflrwrroX^v ouic diro- 
Xoyuiv €;(ov<rav dXA.' €yK\rjfjLa, " Oavfid^tiv " yap, ^^i;, 

" TOV Xipiy OVKfTL aVT^ €flri<rT€XXot KoirOL TOV TTpio TOV 

^ovov Oafia ovro) ypdtfxav, «l>s Kal rpcis ypap.fiaT0ffi6pov% 
a<f>uc€ar$ai ttotc Trap' avrov cv "^fiipii. fJLv^ Kara TrdSas 

Kal 6 avTOKpoLTnip 3ta ?rXcidvo)v /acv Kat vTrcp TrXctdvcov, 
OavfidcTLOv 8c ^^os iyKardfii^as rois ypafifiaaiv, circorciXc 
Trpos TOV 'HpwSiyv, c5v ^w ra fuvrctvovra C5 tov Tropovra 
/xot Xdyov c^cXav t^s cttiotoX^s Si/XtMrct). to ftcv 8^ 
irpooLfiLov T(ov circ<rraX/icva>K ^'Xaipe fioi, ^tXc HpuSi;.'' 
8iaXc;(^c(9 8c virep twv tov ttoXc/xov \€ifiahmv^ cv ols ^v 
Torc, Kat T^v yvvatica dXo^vpa/xcvos apTt avr<p Tc^vccSo'av, 

CITTCOV TC Tt Kal flTCpi* T^« TOV (TWfJUlTO^ d(r$€V€W C^cf^S 

ypa<^ci* '^ 2ol 8c vyiatvciv tc cvxpfJMi koI Trcpt c/iov a>9 
cvvov 0*01 8uxvocro'^at, fi>78c i7ycro'0ai d8tKcro'^ai, ci icaTa- 
ffaapaxra^ Tivas twv crciiv TrXi/^/xcXovvTas KoXcurct ctt* 
dvTovs IxRV^^^t'-V^ ^^ ^^9y "^^ CTTiciKCL. 8ia /xcv 8^ Tavra 
/x^ dpytifov, ct 8c Tt XcXvTn^Ka <rc r) ^tto), aircumja'ov Trop' 
cfiov 8t#cas cv Tw icpw t^s cv aorct 'A^va5 cv fiv(mfpioi^. 

* See Aul. Gellius. i. 2 ; xviii. 10. 


Cephisia,' attended by young men from every quar- 
ter, who travelled to Athene from a desire to hear 
hb oratory. 

Wishing to make trial whether Marcus was 
angry with him owing to what had occurred at 
the trial,' he sent him a letter not containing 
excuses but a complaint, for he said that "he 
wondered for what reason Marcus no longer wrote 
to him, though in times jiast he wrote so often 
that on one occasion three letter-carriers reached 
him on a single day, one treading on the heels of 

And the Emperor at greater length and on greater 
subjects, and putting a wonderful amount of charac- 
ter into the letter, sent an answer to Herodes, from 
which I will extract what bears upon my present 
subject and quote it. The letter opened with the 
wonJs "Hail, my dear Herodes" ; and after speaking 
of his winter quarters after the war, in which he was 
at the time, and lamenting the wife whom he had 
lately lost,* and saying something also about his 
bodily weakness, he went on as follows : " But for 
you I pray that you may have good health, and may 
think of me as your well-wisher and not consider 
vourself wronged because, detecting some of your 
household in wrong-doings, I punished them in the 
mildest way possible. Be not angry with me on this 
account, but, if 1 have done you, or am doing you, 
any injury, aslt satisfaction of me in the temple of 
Athena-in-t he-City * during the Mysteries. For I 

'' See reference in note 3, p. 295. 

* At Holalae in Asia Minor, during the i 

* At Athene, 


rfv(dfirjv yap, ottotc 6 wdXc/ios /xoAtora i<l>X,€yfiaiv€y koL 
fivrjBrjvai, etrj 8c Kal aov ftvoraywyouvTos." 

ToiaSc 17 d?roXoyta tov MapKov Kal ovro) ^iXav^pco^ros 
Kal ipp(t}fji.€vrj. 

MdpKO^ Trpos TOV Evfcvtavov IIoTrXioiva. — (Migne*8 
Patrol, Graec. cxv, p. 1211) 

'AvToinvos avTOKpdriDp Scj^aoro? Evfcvtav^ non-XtWi 

*Eyo) €15 w€Lpav rrj^ aij^ ayxtvoCas Ipyots avrois 
Karaora?, Kal fiaXurra oTs €i'ay;(05 irpoOTd$€L tov '^fi€T€pov 
Kpdrovs SL€irpd(<i} Kara t^v 2/xvpvav, iirLKOv<l>L(ras 2/XrVp- 
vatot9 T^v CK Tou kXovou ti}s yrJ9 cirtycvo/ici/iyv auTots 
avfifl^opdvf rjaOrjv t€, wairep ciKO^y Kal crc t^s twv irpay- 
pArmv i7rLiJi€X.€UK CTriJvccra* ipxtOov yap airavra /xcto. 
OKptj^etaS) (ocnrep av €i ?rap(ov. ^ re yap Trapa crov 
7r€fjL<l>$€La'a dva<f>opdf 6 re dn'o3i8ous ravrrjv, koL KaiKiXtos 
6 iwLTpoiroi rjiJMiv diravrd /xot cra^cos Stiyyi/craTO. cwl 8c 
TOV iropoi^os yvoKT^ev r^ '^fi€T€p<o Kparci *A)9epKtov riva 
T^s 'IcpaTroXirwv ^ imarKoirov Trapa <rol ^larpi/Seiv, avSpa 

^ SC. Tr6\€(its, 

^ With Oassius, or more likely perhaps the Marcomahnic 
war. He may be referring to the so-called "miraculous 
victory " in 174. 

* The great earthquake, when Marcus practically rebuilt 
the city, was probably in 178 A. d. See Aristides, Movadia ivl 
lifiupyn and Tla\tvu^ia iwl 2. 

' The Acta of Abercius (Migne's Patrol, Graec. cxv. p. 1211) 
state that the bishop reached Rome while Marcus was away 



vowed, when the war^ was at its hottest, that I 
would be initiated, and I hope you will be my spon- 
sor on the occasion." 

Such was Marcus's plea for himself, at once so 
kindly. and so manly. 

Marcus to Euxenianus Publio 

? 163-164 A.D. 

The Emperor Antoninus Augustus to Euxenianus 
Publio, greeting : 

Having had experience of your sagacity in your 
works themselves, and especially in those which you 
carried out by order of our authority in respect to 
Smyrna in alleviating the calamity that befell the 
Smymiotes owing to the earthquake ^ there, I have 
been pleased, as was natural, and praise you for your 
diligence in carrying out these duties. For I have 
been apprized of everything exactly as if I had been 
present. For everything has been clearly recounted 
to me by the report sent from you, and by him who 
presented it, and by Caecilius the procurator. But 
¥dth respect to the present matter, it has come to 
the knowledge of our power that a certain Abercius,* 
bishop of Hieropolis, is living in your jurisdiction, a 

fighting the barbarians. He was taken to the Praefedus 
Comelianus and to Faustina, and cured Lucilla, who was 
then sixteen (which would be in 164 a.d.), by casting out a 
devil from her. As a reward he asked for a bath to be made 
for the hot-springs at Hieropolis, and that 3,000 bushels 
of corn should be given yearly to that his native city. The 
epitaph of the bishop has been recovered, and states that he 
visited Roiiie and saw i8a<r(X^a[i'] Koi $aal\i<rffay. He is said 
to have cured Public's mother of blindness. 



€va'il3rj ovTio ra t&v Xpurriavtov, ws Satfiovcuvras t€ taaOai 
Kol voaov^ aAAa? cvfcoXurara ^cpan-evciVy tovtov Kara to 
avayKOLov 17/1619 XP1!?f°'^^^» OuoXcpiov icat Bacrcriavov 
/Aayicrrpiavovs roiv deitov rj/JMiv 6<l>ff>iKL(i)v iirifiij/aiiev rov 
avSpa ii€T aiSovs koX TifArjs airdirrj': ws i^/xas Ayayctv. 
KtXevofifv oSv T^ cr^ aT£pp6rrjTi 'rreuraL rov avhpa ow 
irpodv/ucf. iraxTji irpo^ rip.a^ a<l>iK€(T6ai, cv ctSdri 0)9 ov 
fiirpLo^ <roi KCtVcrai Trap' ^/uiiv kol virkp rovrov 6 iiraivo^, 

MdpKov Ba(riXcQ)9 irrurroXrj wpos rr}v a"vyKX.rjT0V9 iv y 
fjLapTvp€L XpixjTiavov^ ahiovs yeyev^arOai 1^9 vikyj^ 


L AvTOKpdrtop Kaurap MapK09 Avpi;Xu>9 'Avro>vTvo9 
TepfiaviKo^ UapOucos Sap/iariK09 3i//x(p 'PcD/xatW Kai r^ 
icp^ (rvyicX>jTa) ^atpctv 

^av€pa v/jLLV cTTOtiyo'a ra rov c/xov (tkottoi) p-cyc^, ottowl 
€v 1^ T€piJiavL<jL €K Tr€pLardar€Q}£ Sia 7r€pi)3o\^9 cTraKoXov- 
Ot^fjiaTa irroiTjaa iv r^ p.€6op[a. Kafiutv Kal TraOdiV,^ iv 

^ Sylburg has succgested that these words should be 
Koud^av Kol ^apfiar&v. The MSS. have triraOdv, 

^ Marcus in his Thoughts professes disbelief in exorcism 
(i. 6). This is only one proof out of many, that this letter is 
a Christian forgery. Christian tradition was strongly in 
favour of Marcus. Baronius early in the seventeenth century 
had in his possession a letter purporting to be from Abercius 
to M. Aurelius, which he intended to publish, but lost. 

^ Found at the end of Justin's second Apology. 

' This title does not seem to have been assumed till 175. 
The "miraculous victory" took place, as generally held, 
in 17i. 



man of such sanctity among the Christians as both 
to cure those who are possessed by demons^ and 
easily heal all other diseases. Having imperative 
need of him we have sent Valerius and Bassianus 
representatives of our officials for sacred things^ to 
bring the man to -us with all reverence and honour. 
Accordingly we bid you with your usual firmness to 
persuade him to come to us with all speed, and you 
know that this, too, will gain for you no little praise 
from us. Farewell. 

The Letter 2 of the Emperor Marcus to the 
Senate in which he testifies that the Chris- 
tians WERE THE Cause of the Victory of the 
Romans -^ iha 

? 174 A.D. 

1. The Emperor Caesar Marcus Aurelius Antoninus 
Germanicus Parthicus Sarmaticus ^ to the People of 
the Romans and the Sacred Senate, greeting : 

I made known* to you the greatness of my enter- 
prize, and what things I did in Germany after the 
critical occasion of my being hemmed in on the 
frontier, in dire distress and suffering, when I was 

* Though this letter is certainly spurious, yet there must 
have been a report to the senate by Marcus on the remark- 
able victory gained over the Quadi, of which both Christian 
and heathen writers make mention. The latter* attributed 
the victory to the prayers or merits^ of the emperor, the 
Christians to the intercessions of the soldiers of their religion 
in the Legio fulminata, called from their success fubninatrix. 
It is curious, however, that this legion (twelfth) is not 
mentioned here. The commander was probably Pertinax 
(see Chronicon Pdsdiale), not Pompeianus, the son-in-law of 
Marcus. The word SpctKOKrcs (serpents, i,e, standards of 
cohorts) is also used by Lucian, Quom. Hist. 29. It here 
stands for the name of the barbarian regiments or divisions 



KortVo) ^ KaraXa/x/^avo/A€vov fwv xnro SpaKovrtav ifi^ofiif- , 
Kovra reaadpajv dvo fiiXLtov Iwia. y€vofi€V(ov Se axfTtov 
cyyi>s -^itiv c^Xcuparcopes. e/z.T/wo'av "^fjuv, koI HofJumjULvb^ 

6 7Jfl€T€pO^ VoX€fJLap)(Oi cSl^XoMTCV rjfUVf aTLva €t8op.€V — 

KaTa\ap.pav6p.€V0^ 5c 7jp.riv iv fi€y€$fi ttXtJOov^ afj.iKTOVy 
Kol <rrpaT€vpAriiiv Xcycwvos irpifia^, ScKan/s y€fjLLvas, 
O/jcmycias,^ pxyfia KarqpLdfirjfitvov^'Trki^Or} Trapcivac 
TrafifiLKTOv oxXov xtkuxBtav IvaKOCTLtov kphop.r}Kovra. kirra. 

2. "Efexfluras ovv Ipxivrov koI to ttXtjOo^ to ifjiov Trpos 
TO /Acyc^os ru)V PapPapmv koX ttoXc/aiW, KariSpap-ov cis 
TO ^€019 €v\€<T6ai Trarpt^oLS- ap.€X.ovp€vos Be xnr^ avrlov 
KoL T^v <Tr€vo\tDpiav pov Oetap-qo'a^ rrjs Svca^ccus Trapc- 
Kukeara tovs Trap' ^/xiv Xeyopevovs Xpto-rtavovs' Kal 
lirepayr'qa'a^ €vpov ttXtjOos kol piyeOo^ avTiov, kol ip^pi- 
prj<rdp€vo^ cts avrovs, OTrep ouk eirpcTre Sia to varepov 
€Tr€yv<aK€vai p€ Trjy Bvvapiv avTwv. 

3. *0$€V apidpevoL ov fieX^v irapdpTrjO'iv ovre oirXiav 
ovTC (raXTTiyywv . . Bta to i\Opov cTvat to toioOto 
avTOL^ Blol tov OeoVf ov ifiopowri Kara aweCBrrjo'iv, cticos 
ovv ioTLVf ovs viroXapPdvopitv dOtovs cTvai, otl deov 
€\ov<nv avTopaTov €v r^ <rvv€tBrja'€L T€T€i\ia'p.€vov. pi- 
\f/avT€^ yap iavTovs cttI tyjv yrfv ov\ vTrcp epov povov 
iB€rj$rfa'av dXXa Koi vv€p tov irapovTo^ (rTpaTevpLaTOSr 
irapriyopov yeviaOai BC^rj^ koi Xip.ov t^s TrapovoT/s. 
TTc/tTrTaioi yap vB(ap ovk flk'q<f}€ip.€V Bia to prj irapeivai' 
rfp€v yap iu tw peaopffydX^o Trj^ Teppavia^ Kal T019 opoig 
auTwv. dpa Bk to) tovtous pt^at iirl t^v y^v iavTOv^ Kal 

^ Emended to Kapvolnntp, The Cotini were south of the 

'^ MSS. have y€pivoipp€prrifflas. The tenth legion consisted 
of two legions, decima gemina and Fretensis. 



surprised in Cotinum by seventy-four regiments 
from nine miles away. Our scouts informed us 
when they had come near us^ and Pompeianus^ 
our commander^ shewed us what we also saw for 
ourselves — for I had been suddenly surrounded by 
a huge and savage multitude while having with me 
a composite and moderate force drawn from the 
First legion and the Tenth (both the Twin and the 
Fretensian) — that there were masses of men in a 
miscellaneous host numbering 977,000. 

2. When, therefore, I compared myself and my 
numbers with the immense hordes of the barbarian 
enemy, I took refuge in prayer to the Gods of our 
fathers. But being disregarded by them, and look- 
ing at the straits to which my force was reduced, I 
called upon those whom we name Christians — and 
by enquiry I found out the greatness of their numbers 
—going so far as to inveigh against them, which I 
ought not to have done, for I afterwards learnt their 

3. They then starting with this (bethought them 
of) no equipment pf missiles or arms or trumpets, 
since this is hateful to them by reason of the God that 
they bear in their conscience. It is likely, then, that 
they whom we suppose to be godless have a self- 
acting God entrenched in their conscience. For cast- 
ing themselves on the ground they prayed, not for 
me alone, but also for the whole army, that He would 
relieve our present drought and famine. For we had 
taken no water for five days, as there was none to be 
had, for we were in the very heart of Germany and 
far within their frontiers. As soon as they had cast 
themselves on the ground, and prayed to a God 



cvxiaOai $€^9 <^ cyo) 'qyvoow, (vOim^ vSiap rjKoXovOei 
ovpav6$€Vy ivl fJL€v ^/Aas xj/vxpoTaroVf iirl 5c rov^ 'PcDfiaicDV 
€7rt)8ovXovs xaXaJ^a TrvpcoSi^s. dAAa koi €v6v 0€Ov irap- 
ovaCav €V €V)(^ yivofifvrp/ TrapavriKa ws dwTrep^X'JTOv koX 
dxaToXvTov . . . .^ 

4. AvToOcv ovv dpidfi€voi a'vyx<u)prja'(a/JL€V tois toiovtois 
cTvai XpioTtavot9y Tva /x-^ Ka^' r/fiiav tl tolovtov at-nytr- 
dfievoi oirXov lirirv^totn. tov Sc toiovtov <rvfiPovX€Vii}, 
8ta TO TOtoOrov cTvai, Xpwrrtavov /m^ cyKoXettr^at. ci Sc 
€vp€0€Lri ri« cyKaXcav r^ Xpumav^ ort Xpumavos ccrrt, 
TOV /Acv TTpoaayofievov Xpioriavoi/ TrpdSiyXov cTvat )8oi;- 
\ofjLcu . .^ yiveaOai op.oXoyi^a'avTa tovto, dAAci Irepov 
/xrjBlv cyKoXo-vfiivov rj on "Kpifrrukvo^ Itrri p.6vov, tov 
TrpoadyovTa Sc tovtov fwi/Ta KaU<r9ar tov 8k XpurTUivov 
ofJioXoyqaavTa kol avvaxr<l>aXLa'dfX€vov Trepl tov toiovtov 
TOV trfin<jTtvp,ivov tt/v iirapxiav cts //.CTavotav /cat dvcXcv- 


5. Tavra 8k koi t^s o-vyKXiyTOV BoyfiaTi KvptoOrjvai 
povXofxaif Koi KcXcvco tovto fJLOv TO SidToyfia iv T<p ^opw 
TOV Tpaiavov irpoTtOrjvai irpo^ to Svva<r6ai. dvayivoMrKco'^ac. 

<f>pOVTL(r€L 6 Trp(U<f^€KTO^ 'BlTpdo'LOS IloXXtW €tS TOt? vipL^ 

€irap\Las Trefiijidrjvar Trdvra 8c tov pov\6p.€vov )(prj<rOaL 
KOL c;(civ fXTj Kia\v€a0aL \ap.pdv€iv c/c t<3v ^poTc^cvTwv 
Trap' rjp.(ov, 

^ A verb is wanted Buch as KartiSoficvy which might 
perhaps be read for koI cd0^. 

* Some participle meaning ** acquitted " must have dropped 



whom I knew not, straightway there came water 
from heaven, the coolest of rain upon us, but upon 
the enemies of Rome fiery hail. So straightway 
was revealed to us at once, as they prayed, the 
presence of their God, as of one omnipotent and 

4. From this moment, therefore, let us allow such 
persons to be Christians, lest by praying they obtain 
such weapons against us. And I propose that no 
such person be accused on the ground of his being 
a Christian. But, if anyone be. found accusing the 
Christian for being a Christian, I wish it to be made 
clear that the Christian who is brought to- trial should 
be (acquitted), if he confesses himself to be a Chris- 
tian, and no other charge is brought against him 
except that he is a Christian, but that his accuser 
shall be burnt alive ; ^ and the Governor who is set 
over the province must not force to recant or deprive 
of his liberty the Christian who confesses that he is 
one, and is credited. 

5. My will is that this should be ratified by a 
decree of the Senate, and I direct that this my edict 
be published in Trajan's Forum, that it may be open 
to all to read it. The prefect Vitrasius PoUio ^ will 
see to it that it is sent throughout the provinces. 
Anyone who wishes to appeal to it and to have it by 
him must not be prevented from obtaining a copy 
from the official gazette of our decrees. 

^ An impossible, because illegal, enactment for Marcus. 

^ He married Annia Faustina, a cousin of Marcus, and 
was Consul ii. in 176. If praef. praet. at all, he must have 
succeeded Macrinus Vindex, who fell in battle in 172. 



Ex VuLCATii Gallicani Vita Avidii Cassii, v. 5. — 
Epistula Marci ad Praefectum Suum 

AviDio Cassio legiones Syriacas dedi diffluentes 
luxuria et Daphnitis moribus agentes^ quas totas 
excaldantes^ se repperisse Caesonius Vectilianus 
scripsit. Et puto me non errasse^ si quidem et tu 
notum habeas Cassium. hominem Cassianae seven- 
tatis et diseiplinae. Neque enim milites regi possunt 
nisi vetere disciplina. Scis enim versum a bono 
poeta dictum et omnibus frequentatum : 

Moribus antiquis res slat Roniana virisque. 

Tu tantum fac adsint legionibus abunde commeatus^ 
quos^ si bene Avidium novi, scio non perituros. 

Ibid. V. 9. — RcscRiPTUM Praepecti ad Marcum 

Recte consuluisti^ mi Domine^ quod Cassium prae- 
fecisti Syriacis legionibus. Nihil enim tam expedit 
quam homo severior Graecanicis militibus. Ille sane 
omnes excaldationes^^ omnes flores de capite collo et 

^ A later word than the time of Marcus. 
* A late word. 


* Furius Victorinus must be meant. He was praef, praet. 



Letter of Marcus to his Praefectus^ (praetorio) 

? 162-163 A.D. 

I HAVE put Avidius Cassius in command of the 
Syrian army which is dissolved in luxury and living 
in the moral atmosphere of Daphne.^ Caesonius Vec- 
tilianus described them as indulging wholesale in hot 
baths. And I think I have done rights for you too 
must have noted Cassius^ a man of the old Cassian 
severity and discipline. Nor indeed can soldiers be 
ruled except by the ancient discipline. For you 
know that line of an excellent poet^ which is in the 
mouths of all : 

Rome on her ancient ways and men unshakahly standeth,^ 

You have only to see that the troops are plentifully 
provided with supplies. If I know an3rthing of 
Cassius* I am certain they will not be wasted. 

Answer of the Praefect 

? 162-163 A.D. 

You have taken a wise step^ my Lord, in setting 
Cassius over the Syrian army. There is nothing so 
salutary for grecianized soldiers as a man of un- 
usual strictness. Be sure that he will '^ knock off" 
all these hot baths for the soldiers, these flowers 

A suburb of Antioch, the resort of the idle and 

* From the Annals of Ennius. 

* He was not governor of Syria before the end of 164. 

^ X 2 


sinu militi excutiet. Annona militai'is omnis parata 
est, neque quisquam deest sub bono duce : ^ non eiiim 
multum aut quaeritur aut expenditur. 

Ibid. i. 6. — Ex Epistula Veri ad Marcum 

AviDius Cassius avidus est, quantum et mihi vide- 
tur et iam inde sub avo meo, patre tuo, i]|;inotuit, 
imperii : quern velim observari iubeas. Omnia enim 
nostra ei displicent, opes non mediocres parat, litte- 
ras nostras ridet, te philosopham aniculam, me luxu- 
riosum morionem vocat. Vide quid agendum sit. 
Ego hominem non odi, sed vide ne tibi et liberis 
tuis non bene eonsulas, quom talem inter praecinetos 
habeas, qualem milites libenter audiunt, libenter 

Ibid, ii. 1. — Rescriptum Marci de Avidio Cassio 

Epistulam tuam legi sollicitam potius quam im- 
peratoriam et non nostri temporis. Nam si ei divi- 
nitus debetur imperium, non poterimus interficere, 
etiamsi velimus. Scis enim proavi tui dictum : Siu:- 
cessorem suum nullus occidii. Sin minus, ipse sponte 

^ A late word for legatus. 


from their heads and necks and breasts. The sol- 
diers* corn-supply is all provided, and nothing is 
wanting with a good general in command, for his 
requirements and his expenses are equally moderate. 

From a Letter of Verus to Marcus 

? 166 A.D. 

AviDius Cassius, if my judgment counts for any- 
thing, is avid for empire, as was already patent under 
my grandfather,^ your father. I would have you 
keep a watchful eye upon him. He dislikes our 
whole regime ; he is gathering great wealth ; he 
ridicules our letters ; he calls you a philosophizing 
old woman, me a profligate simpleton. See what 
had better be done. Personally I do not dislike the 
man ; but you must consider whether you are acting 
fairly by yourself and your children in keeping ready 
equipped for action such a leader as the soldiers 
gladly listen to, gladly see. 

Answer of Marcus about Avidius Cassius 

? 166 A.D. 

I HAVE read your letter, which savours more of the 
alarmist than the Imperator, and is out of keeping 
with the times. For if the empire is destined by 
heaven for Cassius we shall not be able to put him 
to death, however much we may desire it. You know 
your great-grandfather's saying. No one ever killed his 
own successor,^ But if the empire is not so destined, 

^ Lucius, like Marcus, was officially and by adoption son, 
not grandson, of Pius, though he was also son-in-law of 
Marcus. » See Suet. TO. 92. 


sine nostra cnidelitate fatales laqueos incident. 
Adde quod non possumus reum faeere quern et nullus 
aecusat et^ ut ipse dicis^ milites amant. Deinde in 
causis maiestatis haec natura est^ ut videantur vim 
pati etiam quibus probatur. Scis enim ipse quid 
avus tuus [Hadrianus] dixerit : Misera condicio im- 
peratorum, quibus de adfecta tyrannide nisi occisis non 
potest credi, Eius autem exemplum ponere malui 
quain Domitiani^ qui hoc primus dixisse fertur. 
Tyrannorum enim etiam bona dicta non habent tan- 
turn auctoritatis^ quantum debent. 

Sibi ergo habeat suos mores^ maxime quom bonus 
dux sit et severus et fortis et reipublicae necessarius. 
Nam quod dicis liberis meis cavendum esse morte 
illius^ plane liberi mei pereant^ si magis amari mere- 
bitur Avidius quam illi^ et si reipublicae expediet 
Cassium vivere quam liberos Marci. 

Ex luLii Capitolini Fita Alhini, x. 6. — Marcus 
AuRELius Antoninus praefectis suis salutem 

Albino ex familia Ceioniorum, Afro quidem homini 
sed non multa ex Afris habenti^ Plautilli genero, 
duas cohortes alares regendas dedi. Est homo exer- 

* Suet. D(yin, 20. 

'•^ Marcus had two praef. praet, at once only between 169 
and 172, viz. M. Bassaeus Rufus and Macrinius Vindex. 



he will himself of his own accord, without any harsh 
measures on our part, be caught in the toils of Fate, 
let alone the fact that we cannot treat as a criminal 
a man whom no one impeaches and, as you say, the 
soldiers love. Besides, in cases of high treason, it 
is inevitable that even those who are proved guilty 
should seem to be victims of oppression. For you 
know yourself what your grandfather Hadrian said : 
Wretched indeed is the lot of princes, who only by being 
slain can persuade the world that they have been cojispired 
against !^ I have preferred to father the remark on 
him rather than Domitian, who is said to have made 
it first, for in the mouths of tyrants even fine sayings 
do not carry -as much weight as they ought. 

Let Cassius then go his own way, more especially 
as he is an excellent general, strict and brave and 
indispensable to the State. For as to what you say 
that the interests of my children should be safe- 
guarded by his death, frankly, may my children 
perish, if Avidius deserves to be loved more than 
they, and if it be better for the State that Cassius 
should survive than the children of Marcus. 

Marcus Aurelius Antoninus to his Praefects,^ 

Greeting i&^.m a.d. 

To Albinus,^ of the family of the Ceionii, an Afri- 
can indeed but with not much of the African in him, 
the son-in-law of Plautillus, I have given the com- 
mand of two cavalry cohorts. He is a man who has 

' After the death of Coinmodus in 193) Albinus, then 
governor of Britain, became a competitor for the empire, 
but was defeated by Severus and slain. 


citatus^ vita tristis^ gravis moribus. Puto eum rebus 
castrenslbus profuturum, certe obfuturum non esse 
satis novi. Huic salarium duplex decrevi, yestem 
militarem simplicem^ sed loci sui stipendium quad- 
ruplum. Hunc vos adhortamini, ut se reipublicae 
ostentet habiturus praemium quod merebitur. 

Ibid, X. 9. — Ex Epistula qua idem Marcus Avidii 
Cassii temporibus de hoc eodem Scripsit 

Laudanda est Albini constantia^ qui'graviter defi- 
cientes exercitus tenuity quom ad Avidium Cassium 
confugerent. Et nisi hie fuisset, omnes fecissent. 
Habemus igitur virum dignum consulatu^ quern sufii- 
ciam in locum Cassii Papirii, qui mihi exanimis prppe 
iam nuntiatus est. Quod interim a te publicari nolo^ 
ne aut ad ipsum Papirium aut ad eius adfectus per- 
veniat, nosque videamur in locum viventis consulem 


Ex Aelii Spartiani Fita Pescennii, iv. I. — Marcus 
Antoninus ad Cornelium Balbum 

Pescennium mihi laudas. Agnosco: nam et de^ 
cessor tuus eum manu strenuum, vita gravem, et Jam 



seen service, is of austere life and serious character. 
I think that his appointment will be of advantage 
to the army ; that it will not be disadvantageous^ I 
asn sure. I have granted him double allowances^ a 
simple military robe, but four times the pay of his 
rank. Exhort him to shew himself a pattern to the 
State for he is assured a reward equal to his deserts. 

From a Letter about Albinus written by Marcus 


175-176 A.D. 

The loyalty of Albinus is worthy of all praise in 
that he kept to their allegiance troops that w^re 
seriously disaffected, when they were ready to go 
over to Cassius. And had he not been on the spot, 
the defection would have been general. In him then 
we have a man worthy of the consulship, and I will 
appoint him in the room of Cassius Papirius, who, as 
I have just been told, is dying. But I would rather 
not have this appointment made public at present, 
that it may not get to the ears of Papirius himself or 
his relations, lest we seem to have elected a consul 
to take the place of one who is still alive. 

Marcus Antoninus to Cornelius Balbus 

Circa 178 (?) a.d. 

You praise Pescennius^ to me. 1 am not sur- 
prised, for your predecessor also spoke of him as 
energetic in action, serious in character, and even 

1 Pescennius Niger, like Albinus, became a claimant for 
empire, but was defeated and slain by Severus. 


turn plus quain militem dixit. Itaque misi litteras 
recitandas ad signa^ quibus eum trecentis Armenicis ^ 
et centum Sarmatis et mille nostris praeesse iussi. 
Tuum est ostendere hominem non ambitione^ quod 
nostris non convenit moribus^ sed virtute venisse 
ad eum locum^ quem avus meus Hadrianus^ quern 
Traianus non nisi exploratissimis dabat. 

Ex VuLCATii Gallic ANi ' Fita Avidii Cassii, ix. 7. — 
Epistula Marci ad Faustinam 

Verus mihi de Avidio verum scripserit, quod cu- 
peret imperare. Audisse enim te arbitror, quod 
heri^ statores de eo nuntiarent. Veni igitur in 
Albanum^ ut tractemus omnia dis volentibus, nil 

Ibid, ix. 11. — Epistula Faustinae ad Marcum 

Ipsa in Albanum cras^ ut iubes^ veniam. Tamen 
iam hortor ut^ si amas liberos tuos^ istos rebel] iones 
acerrime persequaris. Male enim adsueverunt duces 
et milites qui, nisi opprimuntur, oppriment. 

* A late form not recognised in the dictionary. 
2 Editors read Feri. For this Martins Verus see Die, 
Ixxi. 23, § 3. 



then more than a mere soldier. And so I have sent 
a letter to be read to the troops, in which I have 
given him the command of three hundred Armenians 
and a hundred Sarmatians and a thousand regulars. 
It is your part to shew that the man has reached 
this rank, which my grandfather Hadrian and my 
great-grandfather Trajan reserved for the most tried 
soldiers, not by partiality, which is abhorrent to our 
principles, but by merit. 

Marcus to Faustina t^- 

1/5 A.D. 

Verus was verity itself when he wrote to me of 
Cassius that he coveted the empire. For I suppose 
you have heard what news messengers brought of 
him yesterday. So come to Albanum ^ that by the 
Gods' goodwill we may deal with the situation, and 
do not be alarmed. 

Faustina to Marcus ,^k 

175 A.D. 

I WILL come myself as you suggest to Albanum 
to-morrow. But in the meantime I urge you, as 
you love your children, take the severest measures 
against these rebels. For the morale of generals 
and soldiers is thoroughly bad, and unless you crush 
them they will crush us. 

' The villa of Domitian on the Alban hills. This after- 
wards became the town of Albanum. 




Ibid. X. L — Epistula Faustinae ad Marcum 

Mater mea Faustina patrem tuum Pium [eiusdem] 
in defectione Celsi cohortata est ut pietatem primum 
circa suos servaret, sic circa alienos. Non enim pius 
est imperator^ qui non cogitat uxorem et filios. Corn- 
modus noster vides in qua aetate sit; Pompeianus 
gener et senior est et peregrinus. Vide quid agas 
de Avidio Cassio et de eius consciis. Noli parcere 
hominibus qui tibi non pepercerunt, et nee mihi nee 
filiis nostris parcerent, si vicissent. Ip'sa iter tuum 
mox consequar. Quia Fadilla nostra aegrotabat^ in 
Formianum venire non potui. Sed si te Formiis in- 
venire non potuero, adsequar Capuam^ quae civitas 
et meam et filiorum nostrorum aegritudinem poterit 
adiuvare. Soteridam medicum in Formianum ut 
dimittas rogo. Ego :autem Pisitheo nihil credo, qui 
puellae virgini curationem nescit adhibere. Signatas 
mihi litteras Calpurnius dedit, ad quas rescribam, si 
tardavero, per Caecilium senem spadonem, hominem 
ut scis fidelem. Cui verbo mandabo quid uxor Avidii 
Cassii et filii et gener de te iactare dicantur. 

Ibid, xi. 2. — Rescriptum Marci ad Faustinam 

Tu quidem, mea Faustina, religiose pro marito et 
pro nostris liberis agis. Nam relegi epistulam tuam 

^ He married Lucilla, the daughter of Marcus and widow 
of Lucius Verus. He was Consul ii. in 173. 
* Born about 150. She married Claud, Se verus. 


Faustina to Marcus 

175 A.D. 

My mother Faustina exhorted your father Pius, on 
the revolt of [the same] Celsus, that he should shew 
loyalty in the first place to his own family and then 
to others. For an Emperor cannot be called Pitis who 
does not think of wife and children. You see how 
young our Commodus is : Pompeianus, our son-in-law,^ 
is both aged and a provincial. See how you deal with 
Avidius Cassius and his accomplices. Spare not men 
who have not spared you, and would have spared 
neither me nor your children, had they succeeded. I 
will myself soon follow you on your journey. As our 
Fadilla^ was ill, I could not come to the Formian 
Villa. ^ But if I cannot find you at Formiae, I will 
go on to Capua, a place which is likely to benefit 
my health and our childrens*. 1 beseech you send 
Soteridas the physi6ian to the iFormian Villa. I 
have no faith in Pisitheus, who does not know how 
tp cure our little maid.^ Calpumius gave me the 
sealed letter to which I will send an answer. If 
I fail to get it off at once, by Caecilius the old 
eunuch, a man, as you know, to be relied on, I will 
entrust him with an oral message of what the wife 
of Avidius Cassius and his children and son-in-law 
are reported to say about you. 

Answer of Marcus to Faustina 

175 A.D. 

The anxiety which you shew for your husband and 
our children, my Faustina, is natural. For I have 

' We know of no imperial villa here. 
* An inscription (Corp. Inscr. Oraec, 1124 b) found at Tibur 
was dedicated to Artemis drip ffwrriplas MdpKov koH ^a9(KKas. 


in Formiano^ qua me hortaris ut in Avidii conscios 
vindicem. Ego vero et eius liberis-parcam et genero 
et uxori^ et ad senatum scribam^ ne aut proscriptio 
gravior sit aut poena crudelior. Non enim quic- 
quam est quod imperatorem melius commendet gen- 
tibus quam dementia. Haec Caesarem deum fecit^ 
haec Augustum consecravit^ haec patrem tuum spe- 
cialiter Pii nomine omavit. Denique^ si ex mea 
sententia de bello iudicatum esset^ nee Avidius esset 
oceisus. Esto igitur secura : 

Di me tuentur, dis pietas mea cordi eat. 

Pompeianum nostrum in annum sequentem consulem 

* See Vit. Avid. Cass. 12. 

' The name Pius was given him either because of his 
benevolent and gracious disposition (as here and Capit. Vit. 
Hadr. ii. 7) or because of his dutiful loyalty to Hadrian. Pietas 



read your letter again in the Formian Villa, in which 
you urge me to take vengeance on the accomplices 
of Cassius. But 1 intend to spare his children and 
son-in-law and wife,^ and I shall write to the Senate 
not to permit any severer persecution or harsher 
penalty being inflicted on them. For there is nothing 
that can commend an emperor to the world more 
than clemency. It was clemency that made Caesar 
into a God, that deified Augustus, that honoured 
your father with the distinctive title of Pius.^ Finally, 
if my wishes had been followed in respect to the 
war, not even Cassius would have been slain. So do 
not be troubled : 

The Gods protect me, to the Gods my loyalty is dear,^ 

I have named our Pompeianus^ consul for the en- 
suing year. 

meant a conscientious sense of duty or loyalty to the Gods 
or country or relations or mankind in general. 

» Hor. Od, i. 17, 13. 

* Claud. Pompeianus Quintianus, not the son-in-law of 
Marcus, was consul siiffedus in 176. 





Abercius, bishop of Hieropolis, an 
apocnn;)haI letter of M., n. 299 

Accius (Attius) L., bom 170 B.O., 
a Boman tragic poet : cliooses 
out Ms words, i. 6 : Marcus to 
fill himself with, n. 5 ; bracketed 
with Plautus and Sallust as 
using a certain kind of word 
(passage mutilated), n. 115 ; 
Niebuhr, Aedo for Titio, i. 167 ; 
called inaequcdiSt n. 49 

Acheruns, the Lower World, 
"walled in" with rivers, etc., 
n. 14 ; herb of death sought in 
its meadows, n. 17 

Achilles, his armour-bearer Fatro- 
clus (Patricoles, Cod), i. 167, 
n. 176 ; fleetness of, ii. 61 ; 
exploits of, n. 199; shield of, 
n. 109 

Acilius, censor, "marks" M. 
Lucilius a tribune for illegal con- 
duct, I. 216 

Aciliua Glabrio slays a lion in the 
amphitheatre at Albanum, i. 211 

Adherbal, King of Numidia, his 
character (from Sallust), n. 163 ; 
his letter to the Senate while 
besieged in Cirta, ll. 14S 

Adurselius ( ? ), m^ Cod. Ambr. 62, 
I. 168n. 

Aedon, a vowel in, dwelt on by 
harpers, n. 107 

Aegrilius Flarianus, tee Plarianus 

AeUus Stilo, copyist of the works 
of Cicero and other writers, 
I. 167 

AemiUus Pius, apparently a pupil 
of Frontq, recommended to 
Passienus Bufus, n. 191 

Aenaria. an Island ofif Naples with 
inland lake, i. 35, 89 


Aeschines, the philosopher and 
disciple of Socrates, mentioned 
in mutilated passage, n. 50 

Aesculapius, specially worshipped 
by Pius and Marcus, i. 50n. ; 
Gk)d of Pergamum, i. 51 

Aesopus, a great tragic actor of 
Cicero's time, I. 165 ; how he 
practised acting with a mask, 
n. 69 

Africa, taxes of, farmed by Saenius 
Pompeianus, i. 233 ; Africans 
taken captive by Scipio, n. 29 ; 
tres triumphi de A/ricanis . . ., 
II. 151 

Africanus, »es Scipio 

Agamemnon, Homer's description 
of, I. 94, 99 

Agrigentines, inventors (?) of 
ploughs (Cato), II. 201 

Ajax, the buli's-hide shield of, n. 

Albanum, Domitian's villa in the 
Alban Hills, i. 211 ; Marcus at 
(?), n. 315 

Albinus, Aulus Postumius, defeated 
at (Jirta (? Suthul), n. 21; 
Sallust's description of Spurius 
Albinus' army, n. 163 

Albtnus, Clodius, proclaimed em- 
peror in Britain and slain by 
Severus, promoted by Marcus, 
811, 13 ; loyal to M. ibid, 

Albucius, an old Boman poet 
called by Fr. aridust u. 49; 
where Mhiton Warren suggests 
Almcciui from Varro, JR. R. m. 6, 6 

Alcibiades, as pupil of Socrates, 
I. 103 ; n. 11, 61 

Alexander, council at his death, 
from a Gkdlio rhetorician, n. 
Ill ; his empire divided into 
satrapies {pra^tetwrae), n. 203 ; 
and Apelles, u. 59 


Alexandria, friends of Fronto at, 

Alexlnus, a dialectic philosoplier of 
tlie third century B.O., who de- 
liglited in soptiistio puzzles, II. 
67 ; called syeophanta, n. 68 

Allia. defeat at, 16 Jubr, 390, U. 21 

Algidum, a town on Mons Algidns, 
near Tusculum in Latium, cold 
before dawn. 1. 143 

Alsium, a seaside resort in Etraria, 
24 miles from Borne, holiday at 
and letters to and from Marcus 
there, n. 3, 6, 7 fl. 19 

Amasis, king of Egypt 669-525 
B.O., a friend of Polycrates, 
tyrant of Samos, n. 25 

Amphiaraus, a tragedy on this 
warrior and prophet of Argos 
mentioned in connexion with the 
earthquake that swallowed him 
up. It was possibly by Sopho- 
cles, n. 69 

Anacharsis, a Scythian traveller 
and sage spoken of as no master 
of Greek, I. 137 

Anagnia, a Hemican town of 
Latium, 40 miles from Rome, 
visited by Pius and Marcus, 1. 175 

Anaxagoras, the philosopher of 
Clazomenae, bom about 500 B.O., 
contrasted with Alexinus, n. 69 

Andromache, Hector's wife, refer- 
ence to Homer, //. vi. 491, l. 49 

Anicetus, the lUfrariiu of Marcus in 
143 A.D., n. 139 

Antias, Q. Valerius, a Koman 
historian of 100 B.C., wrote 
invenusUt n. 49 

Antioch, devoted to actors, n. 
149 ; groves of Daphne, n. 307 

Antipater, see Caelius 

Antisthenes, the Cynic philosopher 
mentioned in a mutilated pas- 
sage, n. 50 ; contrasted with the 
dialecticians Diodorus and Alex- 
inus^ n. 67 

Antlum, the Fortune of («e« Hor. 
Od. i. 35), u. 105 

Antoninus Aquila, see Aquila 

Antoninus. Arrius, relative of Pius 
and intimate friend of Fronto, 
iuridieus per lUUtam regionis 
Transpadanae, U. 176n. ; letters 
of Fronto to, IL 174» 176. 18S 

Antoninus, Marcus, see Marcus 
Antoninus (Geminus), twin son of 
M. bom 161 A.D., has a cough, 
II. 33 : his description as a baby, 
II. 121 
Antoninus Pius, emperor 138-161 
A.D., letters from, to F. I. 126, 
228; from F. to Pius, i. 126 
(about speech), 226 (congratu- 
lations on accession, July 10), 
236 (declining the proconsul- 
ship), 254 (on the will of Niger 
()en8orius), 262 (soliciting office 
for the historian Appian); as 
emperor, I. 87 ; anniversary of 
accession, i. 227 ; beloved by F. 

I. Ill ; the most fortunate (or 
perhaps peaceful) of emperors, 

II. 23 ; speeches of F. in praise 
of, I. Ill, 118, 127, 129, 134, 
303: n. 251, 283; praise of, 
I. 37 ; kiss of salutation to, I. 
227 ; message to, that he is ill, 
I. 227 ; that he has had an 
accident, i. 247 ; speech of Pius, 
I. 241 ; praises F., i. 127 ; his 
indtUgentia, I. 234; character 
and habits of. n. 9; gives 
Sextius CJalpumius ft procurator- 
ship .at F.'s request, I. 263 ; 
pays fees of Gavins Glarus for 

Sraetorship, n. 155; pietas of 
[arcus towards, ii. 127: coins 
of. n. 115 : war in Britain^ n. 
251 ; rebuilt Bhodes, n. 261 ; 
thanks of Garthage for bene- 
factions, n. 283 ; a divine man, 
u. 9 ; death of, alluded to ?, 
I. 299 ; * revolt of Cielsus against^ 
u. 317; why called Pius, n. 
318n. ; disasters in reign •of, 
u. 22; called the great King, 

I. 130 

Antonius (?), L., the cognomen . . . 
utus (IComutus) is mutilated, 

II. 160 

Antonius, M., the famous Mark 
Antony, retreats before the 
Parthians, n. 203 

Antonius, Valerius, a friend of F. 
has a petition to present to 
Lucius Verus, i. 305 

Apelles, the greatest Greek painter 
and friend of Alexander, story 
of Alexander in his studio, ii. 



59; contrasted with Parrhaslus 
as not painting unicolora, n. 49 ; 
invested tlie Iiumblest of subjects 
with distinction, i. 169 ; type of 
supreme excellence, i. 129 ; 
Appelles, I. 169 

Aphrodite, see Venus 

Apolaustus, an actor namedAgrippa 
Memphis, whom Lucius brought 
from Sjrria uid named Apo- 
laustus (Capit. VU. Ver, 8), but 
the actor mentioned under this 
name may be a second one of the 
same name (see Mommsen, 
Hermes viii, p. 213), I. 305 

ApoUinaris, Sulpicius, conversation 
with Fronto in. AuL Oellius, n. 
279 , 

Apollo, deflects Teucer's arrow 
(Horn. //. viii, 311), I. 133; 
libraries of his temple on the 
Palatine, i. 179; author of 
paeans, ii. 67 ; in a doubtful 
IMussage as inventor of oars (?), 
n. 200 

Apollonides, Appius, Greek letter to, 
in favour of Ck)melianus, i. 287 

ApoUonius, a philosopher of Chal- 
cedon and teacher of Marcus, 

I. 235 ; his son Apollonius, ibid. 
ApoUonius Rhodius, opening Unes 

of his Argonautiea, n. 106 
Appianus, the historian and friend 
of F, letter from F. with a gift 
of two slaves, i. 265 f. ; Fronto 's 
answer refusing thenL i. 269 ; 
F. asks Pius to give Appian an 
office, I. 263 
Appius Maximus, see Maximus 
Aquila. Antoninus, ipurrot pTfrdpMv, 
wants a place as instructor of 
youth in Victorinus's province, 

II. 171 

Aquilinus, Julius, recommended to 
Aegrilius Plarianus in his pro- 
vince, I. 289 

Arbaoes (?), a Parthian General who 
routed and slew Maximus, one of 
Trajan's commanders — ^possibly 
should be read Arsaces (m^ 
Arbalatuce), n. 214 

Argo, the ship of the Argonauts, 
n. 106 

Aiida, a town of Latium, 16 miles 
from Rome, holus ^ridnum,!. 117 

Aridelus, a freedman of M. and L., 

recommended to M. for a pro- 

curatorship, i. 239 
Arion, of Lesbos, a famous musician, 

whose story is told, i. 55 f. 
Ariston, a Stoic philosopher of Chios 

(about 260 B.C.) with Platonic 

tendencies, Marcus in 146 A.D. 

captivated by his writings, I. 217 
Aristophanes, the comic poet, the 

word vavoi quoted from a lost 

comedy (? 'AxAa^c) in Aul. 

Gellius, n. 278 
Armenia, subjugation of, ii. 137 ; 

title Armeniacus refused by M., 

II. 133;- Sohaemus, king of, 

restored by Lucius, ii. 145 
Arpinum, birthplace of Marius, 

n. 205 
Arsaces, a Parthian Idng, letter of 

liithridates asking his help 

(SaUust, Hist, iv), n. 143; a 

possible reading for Arbaces, 

II. 214 
Artaxata. capital of Armenia, 

taken by Statins Prisons (Capit. 

VU. Mar. 9, § 1), a success 

attributed to Lucius, ii. 133 
Artemas, M. Antonius, at Smyrna, 

n. 295 • 
Artemidorus Daldianus refers to 

Fronto in his 'OKeipoKptrixa, u. 

Asclepiodotus, a persona grtUa with 

Lucius, found fault with by F. 

in a speech, n. 221, 235 
Asellio, Sempronius, a historical 

authority followed by Nepos in 

his ' account of the Numanttne 

war (Hauler), n. 145 
■Asia, voyage from, i. 159 ; F. 

proconsul designate of, l. 235, 

Aspasia, a teacher of Socrates, 

n. 11 
Athena, see Minerva 
Athenodotus, a philosopher and 

teacher of Fronto, i. 171; ii. 

50 ; taught F. the use of et«c6i/ef 

or similes, i. 205 ; perhaps 

alluded to, U. 57 
Athens, city of Minerva, l. 50 ; 

friends of F. summoned thither 

from Alexandria, I. 237 ; ex- 

actions of, I. ^73 


Atrldes, §ee Agamemnon 

Atta, a writer of Eoman comedies, 

notable for knowledge of women's 

language, i. 5 
Attica, men of Attica and their 

thyme of Hymettus, I. 305 ; 

Marathon and Cephlsla, demes of, 

II. 296, 7 
Attlcus, a transcriber of Cicero's 

works, I. 169 
Aufldlus Victorlnus, Gains, see 

Augustas (Octavianus), nephew and 

successor of Julius Caesar and 

husband of Livla, n. 11, 137 ; 

his eloquence (residua eUganiia 

saeculDt n. 137 f. ; his clemency, 

n. 319 
Aulus Oellius. see Gellius 
Aurelia (regio), P. bound for, 1. 177 
Aurelius Opellius, see Opellius 
Autrico (ms for aut Tiro)t copyist 

of Cicero's works, I. 167, 168 
Avemus. mentioned in margin of 

Cod. Ambr. 86, i. 98n. 
Avidius Cassius, see Cassius 

Baburiana, letter of F. to Arrlus 

Antoninus about her, ll. 189 
Babylon, its destruction mooted by 

Alexander's successors, n. Ill 
Bacchus, defender (eognitor) of 

dithyrambs, U. 66; vine-bound 

thyrsus of, II. 85; (Liber) in 

favour of night, n. 15; called 

Brisaeutf at Smyrna, n. 295 
Baeoola, a town in Spain m^ Cod. 

Ambr. 62, I. 168n. 
Baiae, a resort on the coast of 

Campania, Marcus there^ i. 93 ; 

steaming grottoes of, i. 87 ; 

mentioned' in the margin of 

Cod. Ambr. 86 
Balbus, Cornelius, apocryphal letter 

to, n. 313 
Balcia Tauri, eastern part of range, 

words added by m^ in Cod. 

Ambr. 260, n. 214n. 
Barbufl (?), mi Cod. Ambr. 62, for 

Balbiu, I. 168n. 
Bassaeus Bufus, praef, praet. (168- 

177} under Marcus, referred to 

by Cassius ? n. 293 : apocryphal 
letter of M. to, n. 311 

Bassianus, fiayiarpiavhf rStv $€tS}v 6^ 

^(KtW, in apocryphal letter of 

Marcus, n. 301 
Bithynians, speech of T. for, n. 

89, 91, 99 
Britanni, defeat of Hadrian's 

troops by, n. 23 ; war in Britain 

underpins, n. 251 
Brutus, M. Junius, the. murderer 

of Caesar, his book (De VirtuU f) 

sent to Cicero for correction, 

delights M., i. 101 

Caecilius, a eunuch, ii. 317 

CaecUius, procurator in Asia, in 
apocryphal letter of Marcus. 
II. 299 

Caecilius, the corrector of the 
Codex, l^ 174n. 

Caecilius Statins, predecessor of 
Terence in Ciomedy, quoted 
by M. iincolumi inscientia)^ I. 
142 ; chooses out his words, i. 
5 ; commemoramentum, i. 66 ; 
incursim, n. 86 

Caelius (or Coelius) Antipater, L., 
a jurist and historian contemn 
porary with Gracchus, preferred 
by Hadrian to Sallust (Spart. 
VU. Hadr. 16, § 6), wrote verhis 
singulis, ii. 48; ? M. reads 
<ex Coe>llo, 1. 300 ; extract from, 
(or the poet Coelius), i. 19 

Caelius Bufus, M., an orator, 
defended by Cicero pro Caelio, 
II. 158 ; see also, possibly, 1. 19 

Caelius Optatus, letter of F. to, 

. recommending Satuminus, II. 

Caesar, a title of the Emperor 
designate (e.g. Marcus Caesar) 
but also used of the reigning 
emperor (e.^., l. 126), n. 255 ; 
the duties of a Caesar, n. 58 

Caesar, Gains Julius, foe and lover 
of Cleopatra, u. 11 ; wrote 
military works and two careful 
books De Analogia (see note I. 
29) in Gaul during his campaigns, 
II. 29, 265, 257 ; his eloquence 



ir&torlal, n, 136 ; hia pre- 
lent BfloiuB aod puritf of 
I, n. 255 ; dlscusaes the uea 
d plural of eaelum. 

flnt emperor, U. 137 
M. gaiiie to It, L 1 

; FiODto Carrtiaa 1 

Mesopotamia, defeat 

Calands, a Gieelc statuary, his 
Btatues "sofWr" than thosa of 
CanMhna (Cle. Bmt. 70) ; Ffoato, 

bnt Dion Hallcam. da Incr. 3 
attilbotei to blm Xnrinit aDd 
xie^ and uys be worked ii' 

TM •AaTTon «t ov^fiMirtMit. Yet 

Calunla made eolonal ststuw ot 
CaiU^, tbe H 

Carthage, speech of ttianks for 
restoialtoD ol, n. 2B1 ; Soman 
ili^ aent to, n. 29 ; Gracchus 
colonlsea, u. 141 

Caraius, Avldlus, the conqueror ot 
the Parthlaae, took Bauaara and 
NIcephotium (and Beleucla and 
Cteslphoa), K. 133 : Iatt«i of F. 
to, n. 191 ; his dlsclpUne, vigour, 
and mlUtary lostlnct, n. 103 ; 
commlaaioned by Luclna to draw 

Vulc. OalUcaaus. n. 
of, U. 292; In 
Syrian army (apocrj 


tbiB, II. 3 

1 friend ot Lndus. i. 
1 messengsi of Faus- 

CalTiB, C. Udnina Uacer, orator 
and poet, bom 8S B.o., hlg style 
at tbe bar qnanelaome (risoMr), 


CamUlua, type of military leader, 

the Dfth century B.C., Fc. ImpUe* 
that be did not make etatues 
of the gods, n. 4B ; bnt there 
are oertaJnly such at 

Cannae, defeat ol CI 

taken ill with 


fa/«(«, at the bu naa, u 48  
. r ™ „ Dgure uajici^ui^,; „ 
46 ; in Spain, ii. m (SaUugt)  
"peedtea Jroiq the -roatrum it 
IK); his trumpet note, r 'lo?* 

(untainted uiil cHaste) T ii " 
cboosag out hla norda, i s ^ 
Kood at Invective, i 129; 

201; sii 

201 ; callea 

201 ;' busts 

U- 151; M. devotart hi hT™' 
«^«d hl,patro»Tll2;'^: 
^qneut bjr, ,. 301 ; FroSSbS 
men reaOing him, i. 153- 
mentiODed 1 16? ; read bv m' 
J- 117; imitations: tels —--■■■ 
jj- 28 ; aanguinam 

,1 -V""";. uospaioti on his 
uie alnato ii' '^"""''^i to 

ra...l  /^rthmlcal n. 143 
"™wr or beautiful laommin! 

«n«=ted- word. ,. 7;"b«t™ 

j«st^d ^trkal?uat'"=u.e% 

Tiro,' copyist ol h 
for crifioiam ot 

Jtj-le o( c.-a irtte 
n«Kiiio ametutio. 
Imitatlona o{ c 
solicium, etc. i 

eilna, FronUikiaiia, p. so 


Cilicia, friends of Fr. in, l. 237 

Cinna, Helvius, poet torn in pieces 
at Caesar's murder, quoted in Aul. 
Gellius, n. 281 

Cirta, in Numidia (F.'s birthplace), 
native place of Montanus, its 
climate, i. 281 : letter of F. to 
Triumvirs ana .Senators of, 
I. 203; Yictorinus, SUanus, 
Post Festus patrons of, I. 293 f.*; 
defeat of Romans at, ii. 21 

CliUanus, Valerianus, tetter to, lost, 
n. 190n. 

Clarus, Emcius, praef. urbi under 
Pius, friend of Censorius, I. 257  

Clarus, Oavius, friend of Fr., li. 
151 ; goes to Syria and Fr. 
reconmiends him to Lucius, n. 

Claudius Quadrigarius, a Roman 
historian alx)ut 100 B.O., writes 
lepide, u. 49; uses mortales for 
homines, n. 269 ; his style and 
F.'s love and reverence for him, 
n. 271 

Cleanthes, Stoic philosopher, his 
wisdom, II. 63 ; earned his living 
by drawing water, U. 65 

Cleopatra, u. 84; and Caesar, n. 

ditomachus, a Carthaginian philo- 
sopher, disciple of Cameades, 
second century B.O., called 
anceps by Fr., ii. 48 

Coelius (or Caelius) L., a little- 
known poet, rival of Ennius, 
uses chosen words, I. 5 ; extract 
from, sent (Caelius), possibly the 
historian iq.v.), i. 19 ; or (see 
'Priebe, ds FrcnUme etc.), from 
the orator M. Caelius Ruf'us of 
Cicero's time 

Commodus, succesor of M., as a 
baby, li. 119 f . ; as a boy 
(apocryphal letter), n. 317 ; 
coin of, n. 115 

Concordia, a city of Venetia, N. 
Italy, n. 175n.. 177 

Consentius, P.. nfth century A.D. 
quotes Fronto, u. 175 

ContuGcius,*««0 Repentinus 

Corinth, mentioned in story of 
Arion, I. 57 

Comelianus, pra^. praet, in apocry- 
phal letter, ii. 299n. 

Comelianus Sulpidus, overseer of 

Greek affairs, and amanuensis 

under M., reqiymmended by Fr. 

to CI. Severus, i. 285, and note 
Cornelius, M.. mentioned by Cato 

in a speech quoted ii. 45 (see 

Festus, s.v. repulsior) 
Ck>mificia, sister of M., i. 107 
Comiflcia, daughter of M., her 

bhiihday, n.' 33; possibly al- 
luded to, n. 19 
Ciomutus (?), Annaeus (C!od. L. 

Antoni . . . utus), quotation 

from, n. 161 
Cotinum ; the Cotini were south of 

the Vistula, in apocryphal letter 

n. 303 
Crassus, the triumvir, defeated at 

Carrhae. n. 303 
Crassus Irugi, lueifugax, ii. 77 
Crassus, Licinius, trigtis (avc\a<rroc) 

n. 77 
C^ispus, Gains, see SalluStius 
Croesus, and Solon^ n. 61 
Cupid, or Love, with wings, at his 

shoulders, n. 17 
Curius Dentatus, as type of general, 

n. 151 
Cyrus the younger, Xenophon 
' served under, as volunteer, ii 

Cyzicus, on the Propontis, speech 

by M. on behalf of, n. 41, 43 ; 

earthquake at, n. 41, 69n. 

Dacians, Trajan's war against, ii. 

21, 207 ; used scythes in war, 

n. 205 
Danube, province beyond, annexed 

by Trajan, ii. 207 
Daphne, see Syria 
Dausara, a city near Edessa in 

Mesopotamia, ii. 133 
Decimanus, friend (or possibly 

grandson) of Fr., liis death, ii. 

Demosthenes, as type of supreme 

excellence, i. 129 ; sa:^g of 

his (?) that the laws sometimes 

sleep, I. 217 


DemostratuB Petilianus, advocate 
against Herodes, Fr.'s speech 
Pro Demostrato, n. 220n., 221, 

Dio Cassius, the historian, anecdote 
of Fronto, n. 250 

Dio Chrysostom, the orator and 
philosopher, a contemporary of 
Pr., n. 51 

Diodoms Cronus, a captious dia- 
lectic philosopher, fourth century 
B.C., n. 67 

Diogenes, the Cynic Philosopher, 
his brutality, i. 102; fond of 
denunciation, n. 48, 50 ; regard- 
less of money, n. 65 

Dionysius (Tenuior), a rhetor and 
Fr.'s teacher, i. 171 ; n. 83 ; his 
fable of the vine and Holm-Oak, 
n. 85 

Dionysius, a painter of Colophon 
about 480 B.C., did not paint 
inluttria, n. 49 

Dlonysodorus, a cook honoured 
with a statue, mentioned by Cato, 
n. 8 

Dionysus, see Bacdius 

Dis Pater, Hadrian* compared to, 
I. Ill ; refuses to preside over 
Sleep, n. 15; ruler of the 
Lower B^gions, ibid. ; no power 
to thunder, n. 135 

Domitlan, the Emperor, his villa at 
Albanum. i. 211 ; saying attri- 
buted to him In apocryphal letter 
of M., n. 311 

Domitius Balbus, transcriber of 
Cicero's works, l. 168 

Dorooorthoro, B helms, the Athens 
of Gaul, n. 175n. 


Egatheus, a freedman of Pius, in 
charge of codicilli (petitions) 
under M., n. 05 

Elegeia, in Armenia on the Upper 
Euphrates. Severianus defeated 
and slain there, 162 a.d., n. 21n. 

Eleusis, priests or torchbearers of, 
n. 135 

Ennius, Quintus, bom 239, the 
father of Boman literature, 
called Quintus f, I. 77 ; his Sota, 

a new copy, i. 79; Annals 
quoted, somno Uni pladdoque 
revinetus, l. 205 f . ; Annals xiv 
quoted by Favorinus (in Gtellius), 
n. 268 ; uses fultms of bronze in 
the Annals, n. 267 ; his tragedy, 
Telamon, quoted, n. 20 ; from an 
unknown play on flatterers, I. 
, 137 ; quotation in Gtellius from 
' unknown play, n. 257 ; used 
praeter propter in passage from 
Iphigenia (in Gtollius), n. 275 f. : 
Annals quoted in apocrsrphal 
letter of M., n. 807 ; a Gaulish 
rhetor quotes him in reference to 
the Tiber, n. 110 f.; maxim 
from, that an orator should be 
bold, I. 11 ; called multiformis 
II. 49 ; uses chosen words, I. 5 ; 
led to write by a dream, i. 95, 
99 ; mugitu personans, n. 75 ; 
M. asks for extracts from, i. 
303 ; what has he done for M., 
I. 107; M. fires himself with, 
n. 5 : mentioned, l. 167 ; see 
Schwierczina, FronUmiana, p. 21, 
who instances jus et aequom, 
secundo rumore populi, si noctis 
si lucis tempus erit 

Ephesus, letter of M. to Curator 
of, n. 290 

Epictetus, the philosopher, called 
ineuriosus, n, 50; lame and a 
slave, used chosen words, n. 
52 ; mentioned in mutilated 
passage, ii. 69 ; epitaph, n. 69n. 

Erucius Clarus, see <3larus 

Euphranor, a famous painter and 
sculptor of Corinth, his work 
chaste and restrained, n. 49 

Euphrates, Stoic philosopher of 
Tjrre, mentioned as a con- 
temporary, n. 51 

Euphrates, river crossed by Trajan, 
n. 201 ; province reduced by 
Trajan beyond, ii. 207; ferry 
dues on, ll. 215 

Euripides, his Ion quoted by M., 
I. 184 

Eurycles, see Ulplus 

Euxenianus Public, ?iftt>consul of 
Asia, mentioned as helping 
Smyrna after an earthquake, in 
an apocryphal letter from M., 
n. 299 



Fabianns, a friend of Ft. befriended 
by Com. Repentinus, prtu^f. 
pnut. under Pius, I. 283 

Fabii, the 300 slain at the Cremera, 
n. 147 

Fadilla, daughter of M.. lodging 
with Matidia, as a baby, at 
Mintumae (?), i. 301 ; her 
father-in-law Claud. Severus, I. 
283n. ; referred to as virgo and 
as being iU, in an apocryphal 
letter of Faustina, it. 292 

Falco, Pompeius, his estate visited 
by M., I. 141 

Faims, inspirers of prophecy, iz. 67 

Faustina maior, wife of Plus, 

?3rhaps mentioned by Fr. and 
ius, I. 127 f. ; n. 281n. ; query 

referred to as dominat see note, 

Faustina minor, wife of M., probably 

mentioned by Pius, i. 129; 

alluded to in a lost letter, i. 191 ; 

called Augusta, l. 193; n. 98; 

ill, I. 193 ; a good patient, I. 

195; message to, on birthday 

of one of her children, l. 245 ; 

her lying-in near, i. 247 ; legatee 

under Matidia's will, n. 97; 

in Syria with Lucius, n. 237 ; 

apocrsrphal letters to M., n. 815, 

317 ; death at Halalae, n. 297n. 
Faustina, Annia Oaleria, daughter 

of M., has diarrhoea, I. 2p3 ; 

Fr.'s devotion to her, ibid. ; is 

better, i. 205; mentioned (?) 

by M., I. 225 
Faustina, Domltia, daughter of M. 

lust bom, I. 251 ; recovering her 

health, n 33 
Faustinianus, son of Statianus, a 

friend of Fr., recommended to 

CI. Julianus, l. 291 
Faustus, a varia lectio in Cod., n. 

Faustus Sulla, called Felix : Fronto 

calls " Faustian " wines from the 

Ager Faiutianus (a part of the 

Falemian district) felieia vina, 

II. 7 
Favorinus, a contemporary phil- 
osopher of Aries, oratoiical (?) 

pigments from, i. 40; well 

versed In Greek, ii. 263; con* 
versation with Fr. in Oellius, n. 

Felix, Minucius in his Oetavius 
quotes F.. Intr. xvii, n. 283-4 

Festus, Postumlus, a contemporary 
grammarian, to be patron of 
CixtsL, I. 295 ; conversation with 
Fronto in Gellius, n. 279 

Formian villa, mentioned by Faus- 
tina and M. in apocryphal 
letters, n. 317 f . 

Fortuna, the goddess, I. 89 ; wor- 
shipped under various forms and 
ni^es, n. 105; Fors Fortuna, 
n. 35 

Fronto, M. Cornelius, orator huiue 
taeetdi, l. 82; use of maxims, 
I. 3, 130 ff. ; a foreigner but 
sagacious, I. 21 ; a Libyan of the 
Libyans, l. 137 : n. 135 ; writes 
hi Greek, I. 19, 125 (?I. 94): 
letters in Greek to mother of 
M., 130, 146 ; taifluenoe as 
orator, I. 18, 77; his ? D« 
Differentia Voeabuiorum, I. 6n. ; 
against philosophy, l. 289; n. 
67 ; a treatise pro Somno, i. 
9fi. ; glory of Boman eloquence, 

I. 131 ; n. 251 ; <friX6<rTop7o?, 
n. 18; uses ordinary common 
words, n. 87; mediocre talent 
compared to Cicero's, n. 101 ; 
alone talks Latin, I. 129: ii. 
123 ; a bad correspondent, u. 
193 ; is to write a history of 
Parthian war, n. 193 ff. ; words 
used by him given franchise, 

II. 279 ; his view of tyrants, n. 
285; pre-eminent at bar, n. 
257, cp. 199; compared to 
Cicero, ii. 251 ; his language and 
learning (hi Ctellius). n. 253; 
praise by Favorinus (in Gellius), 
U. 261, 267-9; careful in dis- 
tinguishing words, II. 273 ; 
always up in the clouds, 1. 105 

Birthday, i. 15; IL 31 ; his 
"gardens'* at Bome, l. 123; 
vhitage at his Horti, I. 213; 
from Horti to Rome, L 299; 
new bath for his "villa," n. 
273; his villas, I. 177. 213, 
299 ; n. 87, 193 ; fond of bh:ds, 
esp. partridges, ii. 173 ; addicted 



to the circus, i. 309; has no 
secrets, n. 173 ; refuses to help 
the unworthy, ii. 180 ; devoted 
attentions of Gav. Clarus to, n. 
1 53 ; daughter betrothed to 
Victorinus. I. 293; Ills ludtu, 

I. 130: his seeta, ii. 86; his 
salon, II. 253, 261, 273 ; apolo- 
gies for absence from lev^e, 1. 173; 
consul, see under date 143, ofBoe 
ends Sept. 1, l. 145; proconsul 
designatiB of Asia and refusal of 
office, I. 235, 237; friends in 
Alexandria and Cilicia, I. 237 ; 
Jul. Senex called from Maure- 
tania, ibid. ; at Caieta, I. 191 ; 
his quaestor, L 114 ; took no 
obscure part in civil affairs, I. 
294; refers to his past life, 
n. 101, 231 ; cp. II. 228n. ; 
death of grandson and wife, 

II. 223, 233 ; no sons, I. 291 ; 
loss of 5 children, n. 223; 
grandson alive, n. 229 ; ideals 
of friendship, i. 257; upbraids 
the gods, u. 223 ; death near, 
II. 229 ; wishes as to last rites, 
II. 153 ; descendants of, n. 172n., 
cp. Intr. xl; pupils, i. 180, 
280, 387 ; n. 240, 242, 245 

Speech Pro DemostratOt n. 
219, 221, 255 ; wish to suppress 
it. n. 235 ; speech Pro BUhyniSt 
n. 89 ; disowned, n. 91 ; altered, 
n. 101 ; possibly referred to, i. 
81 ; speech against Herodes, 
I. 81 ; II. 221, 235 ; Pro Car- 
thoifiniensibus, n. 281 : against 
the Ctiristians, n. 285 ff. : speech 
with reference to war in Britain, 
n. 251 ; speech as consul 
designate, i. 303 ; speech of 
thanks to Pius, and proclamation 
at Games, i. Ill, 118, 113 f., 
127, 129, 303; encomium on 
Pius, I. 120, 125 ; with reply of 
Plus, I. 127 ; speech on oversea 
wills, I. 155 fi. speeches in 
favour of Hadrian, i. Ill ; 
speeches on behalf of Saenius 
Pompeianus. i. 233; speech in 
Senate, I. 197 ; two speeches on 
behalf of friends, i. 239 

Letters to Pius, Marcus, and 
Gav. liaximus about Censorius^ 

I. 258 ff . ; to Pius on behalf of 
Appian, I. 263 ; to Appian and 
answer, l. 261 ff. ; to Loll. 
Avitus for Montanus, L 279; 
to Com. Bepentinus for Fabi- 
anus, I. 283 ; to CI. Severus for 
Comelianus, I. 286; to Apol- 
lonides for same, l. 287; to 
Plarianus for AqmUnus, i. 289>; 
to CI. Julianus for Faustinlanus, 

I. 291 ; to Avidius Cassius for 
Jun. Maximus, n. 191 ; to CI. 
Julianus, n. 93; to Praedlius 
Pompeianus, n. 89, 91 ; to 
Velius Bufus Senex on oratory, 

II. 87; to his son-in-law Vic- 
torinus, n. 99, 169, 171, 174, 
to Arrius Antoninus, n. 175, 177, 
189; to the Triumvin and 
Senators of Clrta, 1. 293 and note ; 
to Passienus Bufus for Aemiliua 
Pius, n. 191 ; to Fulvianus, n. 
193 ; to Caelius Optatus, n. 241 ; 
to Petr. Mamertinus for Sardius 
Lupus, u. 243 ; to Sardius 
Satuminus, n. 243 ; to Junius 
Maximus, n. 245; to Squilla 
Gallicanus, n. 245 ; toVolumnius 
Quadratus, I. 307. 309 

On Cicero, i. 7 : dictum on 
Plato, I. 33; imitates Sallust, 
n. 101 ; devoted to him, i. 158>; 
and see under Sallust; 
annotates Cicero, I. 309; 
on Agamemnon's dream, i. 
95 ; adds a line to Lucan, n. 
107 : Lais, I. 83 ; on arena and 
^uadriffae, n. 259 ff. ; on colours, 
II. 259 ff. ; on mortalee for 
homines, n. 261 ; on praeter- 
propteTt n. 278 ; on word for 
dwarf, n. 279 ; love and revei^ 
ence for old writers, n. 271 ; 
had not studied ancient authors 
when young, i. 123 ; extracts 
from Lucretius and Ennius, i. 
303 ; Cicero, n. 157 ; Gracchus ? 
I. 81 ; Terence, Vergil, Sallust 
(?),!. 80n. 

Kiss of salutation to M.. i. 
221 ; encomium on M., i. 131, 
185: teaches M. to speak the 
truth, I. 17 ; loth to worry him 
with letters, i. 223; kisses his 
babies' feet, I. 245 ; flatters him. 



I. 131 ; n. 29 ; advises Herodes 
tp attach himself to M.. i. 171 ; 
asked by M. to befriend Themi- 
stocles^ 1. 235 ; his opinion valued 
by M., I. 97 ; takes up idle of 
master again, n. 105, 131 ; 
urged by M. to ^nite to Lucius, 
n. 129 ; apostrophe to M.. u. 133 
Pains in arm, i. 85 ; elbow, i. 
39, 187, 219; foot. I. 81, 199, 
213, 249 (toes of L foot), 245, 
(sole) 78; has gout, n. 261, 273 ; 
shoulder, L 277, 189; pain In 
elbow, knee and ankle, i. 187; 
knee, 1. 193, 247, 249, 253 ; knee 
bruised, I. 247; hand, I. 307, 
309 : n. 19, 31, 45, 73 ; neck, 
I. 199 ibU), 201, 227, 219; n. 
157 ; eyes, n. 174 ; every 
Umb, n. 157 ; grohi, I. 226 (bis) ; 
n. 157 : has neuritis, n. 89 ; rheu- 
matism, not arthritis, ii. 241: 
sore, I. 215, 247; sore throat 
and fever, n. 253 ; cough and 
insomnia, I. 309 ; n. 45 ; cold, 
L 195; serious illness, i. 239; 
gastric attack, i. 251 ; cholera (?) 
I. 243; long ill-health, n. 92. 
132, 233. 237, 241, 243 ; carried 
when Ul by Lucius, n. 241 ; 
his fortitude, I. 81, 83 ; pain in 
back and lorn, i. 225 ; side and 
spine, IL 175; see also I. 173, 
227, 229, 233 

Fronto, infant son of Victorinus, 
prattles Da, eats grapes, etc., 
n. 173 

Fronto's brotiier (Quadratus ?), 
mentioned, L 79. 145, 185 ; 
n. 153 ; raised to high office by 
Pius, II. 131 

Fulvianus. friend of Lucius, n. 
193, 195 

Furies, scourge of, n. 105 


Oalba, Ser. Sulpiclus, the first great 
Koman orator, his speeches taken 
by M. to (>entumoellae, i. 173 ; 
his acquittal by bribery and 
appeal to pity, ibid. 

Qalflcanus (rhetor) pompous writing 

on Alexander, and on the Tiber, 
II. Ill 

Qaul, Caesar's war in, n. 29 

Qauran Mount, wine of, 1. 177 

Gavius Qarus, see Clarus 

Gavins Maximus, see Maximus 

Gellius, Aulus, contemporary refer- 
ences to Fronto, ll. 252-261 

Germany, n. 232 ; scene of miracu- 
lous victory, n. 303 

Geryon, the three>headed giant, I. 

Glaucus, the Lycian diief, ex- 
changes his armour with Diomede 
(Horn. II. vi. 236), I. 279 

Gnaeus (Cod. Gneus), n. 182 

Gracchus, Gains, tribune, re- 
former, and orator, farmed out 
Asia and parcelled out Carthage, 
n. 141 ; speeches from Bostrum, 
II. 65 ; speeches read by, M., 
I. 79 ; M. asks for some specially 
eloquent speech of, i. 301 ; his 
style, I. 79n. ; his trumpet note 
(cp. Cato), I. 107; harangued 
turbulente, n. 48 ; at the bar 
tunnUttiatur, ibid. ; mentioned, 
I. 167 ; ? extracts from, i. 81 

Gratia maior (KparTia, i. 146), 
Fronto's wife, I. 13, 113, 183, 
191 (bis); ffoes to Naples to 
keep the birthday of M.'s 
mother, I. 145 f. ; greeting to 
from M., I. 231 

Gratia minor, Fr.'s daughter, men- 
tioned (?), I. 153; I. 183, 193, 
207, 231, 251; betrothed to 
Victorinus, i. 293; grief at 
death of her son, n. 229 

Gyara, an Aegean island to which 
criminals were sent, I. 129 

Hadrian, the Emperor, praised but 
not loved by F., i. Ill ; char- 
acter of, n. 9 ; reverses in Judaea 
and Britain, il. 23; a great 
traveller, fond of music, and a 
gourmand, ii. 9 ; eloquent, li. 
207 : lowered efficiency of army, 
n. 207 ; his progresses, ibid. ; 
gave up provinces won by Trajan, 
ibid. ; his monuments, ilyid. ; 



like Numa a peaoe>lover, n. 
209; spurious archaism of, ii. 
189; saying attributed to him 
by M. In apooyphal letter, it 
311 ; also mentioned in apocry- 
phal letter by M., n. 315; a 
writing of bis found, beginning 
Faustia ominibua, beneath the 
Fronto scalpt on Ambr. p. 251 
(Hauler Versam. 41 d, deut. Phil. 
etc., 1895), n. 209; sitting in 
court, n. 250 

Hannibal, his duritia, n. 149; 
Cannae, u. 21, 29 

Helios, from Homer, l. 92 

Heno, Codex for Ino (Peerlkamp) 

Hephaestus (Homer), child of Hera, 
1. 135 ; lame, ibid. 

HeracUtus, the philosopher of 
Ephesus, his obscurity, n. 49 f . 

Hercules, ms armour-bearer, Philoc- 
tetes, L 167 ; labours of, u. 107 

Hemicans, the word samerUum 
from their dialect, i. 175 

Hera, mother of Hephaestus 
(Homer), 1. 135 

Hero (and Leander), I. 223 

Herodes Atticus, the famous 
Athenian rhetor, brought up with 
P. Calvisius, M.'s grandfather, 

I. 61 ; friend of M., i. 65 ; trial 
of and speech of F, against, i. 
61-71; n. 221; on friendly 
terms with F., n. 221, 235 ; 
M. writes three letters a day to 
him, n. 297 ; second trial of, 

II. 295n. ; as letter-writer, n. 
289: death of his infant son, 
I. 163 ; letter of M. to, n. 297 ; 
letter of F.. to, I. 168 

Herodotus, his Ionian style, I. 43 
Hesiod, became a poet In sleep, 
I. 94; elegiac quotation re- 
ferring to, ibid. ; quoted {Theog. 
22 1), L 95; reference to intro- 
duced by emendation (Jacobs), 
I. 278 (Naber) 
Hiberi, type of barbarians, i. 303 
Homer. Calliope instructress of, 
n. 67 ; instructor of Ennius, 
ibid. ; historian of Achilles, n. 
199 ; quoted, Iliad. 1. 24, U. 223. 
I. 94; ili 112 (eloauence of 
Menelaus and Ulysses), n. 59; 
vi. 236 (Olaucus), L 279; Tl. 

408 (Menelaus at the banquet), 
n. 50 ; yiii. 811 (Apollo deflects 
Teuoer's arrow), i. 138; iz. 208; 
(Patroclus and the banquet), n. 
175 : Ix. 812 (sincerity in word), 

I. 149 ; xlv. 850 (Jove and Juno 
couching), I. 45; xziii. 282 
quoted by Favorinus (in Oelllus), 
u. 269 ; Patroclus, armour- 
bearer to Achilles, I. 167 

Odyney. L 58 (smoke of one's 
fatherland) l. 94, 192; vL 106, 
yiyrfit 64 r« ^piva Aijrw, n. 86 ; 
iU. 117, X. 29, 31, 46, xi. 108, xii. 
338, 359, 364, 370, 372 (the 
wanderings of Ulysses), I. 92 f . ; 
called Grains (emend, for Caius) 
poeta, I. 192 
Horace memorabilia poeta, I. 122 ; 
SaL U. 3. 254 ff. (Polemo). L 123 ; 
dead for M., i. 139 ; Od. 11. 10, 
20 (no bow for ever strung), 
n. 8 ; Od. 1. 2, 81 (Gk>ds clothed 
in clouds), I. 44; Ep. i. 7, 59 
(dedsa negotia), n. 211; Od. 
i. 17, 82: quoted by M. in 
apocrjrphai letter, n. 319, see 

II. 293 ; imitated (?), i. 8n. : 
see also Hertz, Renaissance una 
Rococo, pp. 44, 47 and especially 
note 77 ; cp. 1. 198, quid me face- 
re oportet and passage with Hor. 
Bp. I. 6, 17; crassa Minerva, 
I. 206 (Hor. Sat..n. 2. 3) 

Hymettus and its thyme, i. 305 

laljnsus, picture by Protogenes, 

I. 135 
Iberians, see BibeH 
Ilissus, a stream in Attica, flower 

on banks of, i. 31 
Ino (Ck>d. Heno), name of a harper's 

song, n. 107 
laidorus Ly^ias, case of, decided by 

the Imperial Brethren, n. 181 
Isidore of Seville, quotes (?), 

Fronto, ll. 284n. 

Jews, fast of atonement, i. 145 
Jugortha, from Sallust, ii. 161 ff. 


nhen 11], i. 75 
JulianuB. Seitlus Calparnlug, gIveD 
two procuiBlonhipa by Plus, 

Julkoua Nmcellliu, aaudins, letter 
oiF. to, In favour DFFHDStljuanuB, 
I. 291 ; letters to, II. SI, 93 

vJuplCer, tricked by Juno (Horn. II. 
ilv. 350), I. 45 ; llsteoi to the 
Husee, L 187 ; Per/triai, n. 11 ; 
cnator of meD, n. 13 ; an ques- 
tion ol Bleep, n. 16; beeet« 
Scmiuit, 11. IQ; Poi;cnkt«) 
waalied by Joie'a bands, ii. ZB ; 
the thunderer, n. 71 ; Jupitei 

EephaluB, itt CephaloB 

le dieMolari 

ta with BCtora, I. 223 
■■■--■- JO o( Arloa, i. 



Liber. Ma Bacchus 

Libytt, oBKis -of " 
n. 133 : rronto & i,iDyan, i. isi 

Livla, wtlB of AugUBtue, II. 11 

Livr, the hIsloriBn. perhaps iml' 
lAted by Fr. a. 20S; itt alto 
Schwierczlna, A^mtonuna, p, 
30 f., via BttrlliuteB to Llvy 
auotlbiB angere, u. S : Utterae 
lauieatae, n. -SO; bella bellare. 
~r. 202; dBsuetudo bellandJ, ii. 

LoUlanuB ATttn^ pioc. oi Airica, 

letter of Fr. to, teconunendlog 

Uontaoug. L 279 
LoUlua UrhicuB, praef. urM, tried 

tba case of Yolunialus. n. ISI 
Longlnna, a coqbuIbi taken prisoner 

In Baclaa war under Trajan. 

n. 21 (. 
Lorlum, Ln Etroria, 12 miles (lom 

" ->— - piag had a -villa, 

I. 121 ; U. visits. 

. . DfM. from,!. 106: 

u. 205 ; ttbam to, from Alslum, 

□. 2, 7 ; FroDtO goes to, n. 33 

technical terms, i 
iTTeUit, n. 19 
Ludllns, M.. a tribui 

, Pontius, a Koman 

Seaeisl In 3fTls. a etrlct dia- 
dplinarion, n. 149; i^scilpt to, 
as consul In 163 i.p., a. 29L 

taertlUB=VlyMeB, q.B. 

Laevlus. a little known poet 
probabtr o' Bret century B.C.. 
fiuoted {dedptUa uuufion), i, 

Lais, the celebrated courtezan of 

Corinth, I. 33 i n. 85 
I.anipadlo, a copyist of Cicero's 

works. L 197 
Lannvium, chUIr at night, 1. 143 

mother of M., 
Id to as (foMiflii, 
3, 189, 193, 2ie, 
k letters of Fr. 
US; mentioned 
s, 1. 13B 1 btrth- 
, I. 145; her 

: chat with U., 
Gratia to Caleta, 


SsnriA, n. 237n. ; second marriage 

to Pompeianus, ii. 316n. ; ix)8- 

Hessed with a devil, In apocryphal 

letter, il. 299 
Lucius, see Verus 
Lucretius, uses chosen words, I. 5 ; 

M. asks for extracts from, i. 

303 ; M. to soothe himself with, 

n. 5 ; called " sublime," n. 119 ; 

quoted (templa in f era), n. 14 ; 

(ntUlius ante trita solo, i. 926), 

n. 71 ; personans muffUu, n. 74. 

See also Hertz, Renaissance und 

Rococo, note 77 
Lucrinus lacus, i. 98n. 
Lucullus, adj. from, in mutilated 

passage, l, 49 
Lupus, we Sardius 
Lycurgus, a Thracian king who cut 

down all vines, ii. 65 
Lysias. son of Kephalus, the orator 

(in Plato's Phaedrus\ l. 21, 83n., 

Lysias, see Isidorus 


Macedon, empire of, n. 203 

Macrinus Vhidex, praef. praet, 
apocryphal letter of M. to, n. 

Maecenas, prime minister of Augus- 
tus, his Horti Maecenatiani, I. 
123 and note 

Maecianus, I. 78 and note 

Mamertinus, see Petronius 

Marcianus, to plead against Herodes, 
I. 67 

Marcus Aurelius Antoninus (called 
Antoninus by himself, n. 33, and 
Vents, I. 118 ; name possibly 
punned on by Fr.'s quid verius, i. 
62) ; character, I. 73, 171, 233 ; n ; 
35, 127 ; in his letters, li. 297 ; 
as peace maker, i. 61, 73 ; 
abstemiousness. 1. 183 ; n. 19 ; 
alwasrs up in the clouds, I. 185 ; 
philosophy, I. 197 ; n. 75. 99 ; 
knows men better than It., i. 
205 ; as puenduSf I. 61 ; dis- 
likes conventional fibs, I. 101 ; 
praised in F.'s speech on Pius, 
I. 185, 305; trittior, durus, 
intempeaivuSf odiosus, l. 206; 

cannot take both sides of a 
question, I. 217 : reputation with 
all classes, i. 233, 245 ; as able as 
Caesar (Fr.), li. 29 ; trifles to 
please Fr., i. 97 ; love of Pr., 
I. 81, 77, 85 ; n. 285, etc. ; 
shuns eloquence because it 
gratifies him, n. 63 ; his genius, 

I. 14, 39, 81, 305; U. 37, 47, 

75, 125 ; his pietas, n. 63, 127, 
138; keeps his friends loyal to 
philosophy, n. 71 ; nobility of 
mind, dificnity of thoughts, n. 

76, 79; his virtus, I. 73, 305; 

II. 125; fldei parendum est, i. 
71 ; benigniias ingeniia towards 
all, I. 235 ; honitas, n. 92 ; a 
righteous judge, ii. 97 ; fixity of 
resolve, u. 133 ; decus patriae, 

I. 144 ; decus morum, I. 90 : in 
apocryt)hai letter compared to 
the dialoffista Cicero, n. 293: 
and to a philosophising old 
woman, by Cassius, li. 309 ; 
loyalty to Lucius, n. 97, 123, 

• 133, 232; obseguens, U. 134; 
verecundia of, i. 82 

Philosophy, I. 197 ; n. 71, 75 ; 
bom on M. Caelius, i. 143 ; his 
grandfather, l. 61 ; takes toga 
vtrUis, I. 73n. ; at Baiae, L 93 ; 
his mother, i. 115, 183 ; aged 
22, I. 123; aged 24, I. 217; 
at Naples, I. 143; connexion 
witii Herodes, i. 171; n. 297; 
sacrifices with Pius, i. 181 ; 
grape gathering, 1. 183 ; dictates 
thirty letters, i. 185 ; at Lorium , 

. I. 195 ; n. 203 ; reads at ban- 
quets and theatres, I. 207 ; 
busts and pictures of, I. 207 ; 
writes more than once in a day 
to F., I. 221, cp. n. 297 ; re- 
commends Themistocles to F.. 
i: 237 ; bhthday, I. 125, 253 ; at 
Alsium, n. 2 ; his holiday there, 

II. 5 ; eschews pleasure, n. 7 ; 
at Centumoellae, i. 55 ; at 
Signia (?), I. 177 ; at Caieta, I. 
193 : learns wrestling, i. 151 ; 
hunting, i. 172, 179; riding. I. 
150, 181 ; sweet tone of voice, 
u. 40, 121 ; coin of, li. 11.6 ; 
children like him, u. 119, 121 
(see also under Corolflcia, Lncilla, 



Fadilla, Antonlaus, Cominodus);' 
title Armeniacus, u. 138 ; 
troubled by Parthian war, u. 
29 ; letter to Eurydes, ii. 285 ; 
letter to Guild of Bacchus, ii. 
295; initiated at Athens, li. 
297 ; apocryphal letters, to 
Abercius, ii. 298n. : to Fur. 
Victorinus, ii. 806 ; to Bassaeus 
Rufus, n., 813, to Com. Balbus, 
II. 313; to and from Faustina, 
n. 315, 317: to Euxenianus, 
II. 299 ; to the Senate, n. 801 ; 
of Lucius to. and answer, n. 309 ; 
letter about Albinus, n. 313 ; 
assessor and coadjutator to 
Pius, I. 37, 215; called Im- 
perator while Caesar, I. 80 ; 
loves Home, I. 181 ; dislike of 
law-courts, I. 55, 153, 181; 
cp. I. 13n. ; writes with his own 
hand, i. 67, 1 83 ; n. 223 ; his hand- 
writing, 1. 66,167 ; surrounded by 
flatterers, i. 137 ; subject to 
cold, I. 180; health (bad), i. 
183, 185, 199, 201; n. 127, 
223 (good), I. 123. 233; as a 
sleeper, l. 54, 189 ; li. 19 ; 
defence of sleep, i. 91 ; room 
cold, I. 55; scorpion in bed, I. 
197 ; wishes to write history, 
I. 13 

Must dig deep for words, I. 7 ; 
chooses with care, ii. 3 ; not to 
mind correction, i. 11 ; makes a 
good maxim, i. 18 ; scolded 
by F., I. 15, 109; taught to 
speak truth, i. 17 ; writing in 
Greek, l. 19, 125, 143 ; letter 
full of Greek, l. 126; forgets 
what he learns, l. 19 ; n. 39 ; ^ 
similes, l. 87 ; eyes opened by « 
F., I. 81 ; extracts from sixty 
books, I. 139; reads F. s 
speech on wills, I. 155 ; wants 
a rich subject for declamation, 

I. 209 : compared to Sallust, 

II. 71 ; values F.'s judgment, 
II. 97 ; owes to F. all his know- 
ledge of literature, I. 79 ; hexa- 
meters, I. 15, 125, 139 

Eloquence, advance in, I. 105, 
167, 805 ; n. 85, 87 ; given up 
for a time, n. 75 ; in what 
respect Umps, n. 79, 111 ; M. 


anxious about, ii. 110 ; "Caesar" 
speech, i. 19 ; thanm to Pius, 

I. 87; language in. l. 58 (?n. 
39) ; epideictic oration, i. 105 ; 
speech in Senate, i. 107 ; elo- 
quence of, I. 121, 133 ; coming 
speech in Senate (a.d. 145 or 
147), I. 189; bottle-simile, u. 
39 ; listened to eagerly, ii. 41 ; 
uses figures of speech, n. 41 ; 
speech on Cyzicenes, n. 43 ; 
speech (A.D. 162), n. 81 ; its 
fine thoughts, ilnd. ; Lucius and 
himself the eyes of the State (?), 

II. 109 ; faulty edict of, n. 113 ; 
speech on Lucius, ll. 135 ; on 
Parthian afiFahrs, 1. 11 (? 107, 108) 

Beading in old literature, i. 
107 ; Cato, l. 117, 153, 181 ; 
Ennius, I. 107 ; Ck)elius (?), i. 
301 ; Cicero, iidd. ; something 
especially eloquent of F.'s, I. 
301 : can only read by stealth, 
I. 301 ; II. 29 ; wants letters of 
Cicero to improve his style, 
u. 157 ; Ennius quoted in 

Xcryphal letter, il. 307 ; ses 
under Gracchus, Cato, 
• Plautus, Horace, Lucretius, etc., 

writes a hendecasyllable, l. 118 
Marius, Gains, bom at Arpinum, 

n. 205; sketch of, by SaUust, 

n. 165 flf. 
Mars Gradivus, I. Ill ; €k>d of 

war, n. 15; begetter of the 

Boman race, n. 21 ; mentioned in 

mutilated passage, n. 216 
Marsians, power over snakes, n. 

23; Marsio (?Mas8ic) wine^ i. 

Martins Verus, general in Parthian 

war, to draw up memoranda of 

the war, n. 195 ; sends news to 

M. of revolt of Cassius (?), n. 

Massic Mount (?), I. 177 ; see 

Matidia, great aunt of Marcus, M.'s 

daughters lodging with her (at 

Mintumae ?), I. 301 ; will of, 

n. 94n. and IT. 
Mauretania, friends of F. in, I. 237 
Maximus, Gavins <or Cavius), letter 

to. about Censorius, ii. 259, 261 
Maximus, Appius (? called Santra), 



a genera] under Trajan, slain 

by the Parthlans, il 23, 203, 215 
Ifaximus, Jtinias, letter of F. to, 

n. 245 ; a tribune who brought 

laurelled dispatches from Cassius, 

n. 191 
HaximoB, T. Atfllias, n. 295 
Menelaos, at the banquet <tn 

Homer II. vl 408), n. 50; 

eloquence of ill, iii. 112), n. 59 
MenoeUades. tee Patroclus 
Mercury, with winged ankles, n. 

17; controller of messages, n. 

Mesopotamia, reyerse in, under 

Trajan, n. 23 (tee under Maxi- 

mus) ; n. 201 
Metellus, L. Caedlius, pont. max. 

243-223 B.O., mentioned by CI. 

Quadrigarius, u. 268 
Metellus, Q. Caedlius, Numidicus, 

mentioned (109 B.O.), L 167; 

his exempla, n. 149 
Minerva, Goddess of Athens, L 

51 : temple at, ii. 297 ; foils the 

suitors (Homer's Od.), i. 133 ; 

child of Zeus, i. 135 ; mistress 

of every art, i. 149 ; n. 15 ; of 

eloquence, n. 65 ; feast of, on 

19 March, i. 211 
Mintumae, a city of Latium, n. 

Mithridates, letter of, to Arsaces, 

II. 143 
Montanus, Lidnius, recommended 

to Lollianus Avitus, i. 279 
Muses, meet Hesiod, i. 44 ; sing 

to .love in Heaven, i. 167: the 

fifth hour appropriate to ihem, 

II. 4 ; presided each over an 

art, I. 148 
Musonius, Stoic philosopher imder 

Nero, II. 50 


Naevius, writer of plays and 
satires in the old Saturnian 
metre, and an epic on the Punic 
War, in which he served, uses 
chosen words, i. 5 : amor 
capUalitt I. 114; on flatterers, 
I. 139 
Naples. 1. 141, 146 ; climate, 1. 143 
Kauoelllus, tee Claudius Julianus 


Xazarios (etrea 320 A.D.) imitates 

Fronto, IL 117n. 
Nealoes, a late Gx«ek painter 

(«trea 245 B.O.), painter of small 

canvasses, n. 49 
Nepos, Comelins, the historian 

and friend of Cicero, reference 

to Numantine War quoted, n. 

Nepos, transciil)er of doero's works, 

L 169 
Neptune, cannot thunder, n 135 ; 

refuses to preside over Sleep, 

n. 15. mentioned in mutilated 

passage, n. 216 
Ncrva, the emjieror, plagiarized a 

speedi, IL 137 
Nioephorium (MS. Nioephorus), on 

the Euphrates, taken, n. 133 
Nicias, an Athenian painter about 

310 B.O., did not paint sombre 

subjects, n. 49 
Nidas, the Athenian general, n. 143 
Niger, tee Censorius 
Niger, reader or secretary to Marcus 

at Alsium, n. 5 
Nigidius Figulus, a Pythagorean 

J)hilosopher about 60 B.C., U. 267 
e, fountains of, I. 91 

Novius, a writer of Atellane farces 
about 100 B.O., notable for rustic 
and comic words, i. 5 j passages 
from, extracted by M., i. 139 ; 
possible quotation from his 
Vindemiatorett l. 183 

Numa, a gourmand and holiday 
maker, i. 11 ; Hadrian com- 
pared to, n. 209 ; Pius comjuured 
to liim in margin of Cod. ibid, 
(tee Capitolinus) 

Numantia, defeat of Romans 
before, n. 21 ; Nei)os's account 
of war with. n. 145 

Numida, Julius Celsinus, visits 
Fronto, n. 273 

Numidicus, tee Metellus 

Nursia, a Sabine city, birthplace 
of Vespasian, 11. 205 


Ocha, a cook mentioned by Cato, 

n. 3 
Olympia, crowns at, i. 271 


Opellius or Opil(l)ius, D. Aurelius, 
author of Muaae. a grammarian 
and copyist of the works of old 
writers, I. 167 

Optatns, see Caelius 

Oroetes, a Persian Satrap who 
cruciHed Polycrates, n. 27 

Orpheus, his eloquence, i. 71 ; and 
Eurydioe, I. 132 • . 

Osiris, altars of, n. 85 ; in mutilated 
passage, ll. 138 

Pacorus, Aurelius, made King of 
Armenia by vologaesus, and 
deprived by Lucius, n. 145 

Pacuvius, a tragic poet bom about 
220 B.O., called mediocris, ii. 
40 ; uses flamia of water and 

' dust, n. 267 

Pannonia, soldiers of, n. 209 ; trial 
of Herodes in, n. 295 

Papirius Cassius, consul, his death 
imminent (apocryphal letter), n. 

Parrhasius, the celebrated pahiter 
about 400 B.o. contrasted with 
Apelies as not working in many 
colours, n. 49 

Parthamasiris, King of Armenia, 
slain at Rome in a tumult, n. 215 

Parthians, wore loose wide sleeves, 
I. 11 ; as tsrpe of barbari^ms^ i. 
303 ; . alone worthy foes of 
Rome, n. 203; defeat the 
Romans, ibid. ; arrows of, ll. 
205; mail-clad troops of, u. 
213 ; Lucius's memoranda, etc., 
of the war, n. 193, 199 ; pre- 
amble to history of war, n. 
198 ; anxiety as to, for Marcus, 
n. 29; for ludus, n. 117; 
u. 23n. 

Passienus Rufus, letter from Fr. to, 
n. 191 

Paterculus, mistaken reading by 
Mai in Ad Verum, n. 1, p. 126, 
1. 13 ; 1. 142 

Patroclus (Patricoles, Cod.) armour- 
bearer to Achilles, I. 167 ; called 
Menoetiades, n. 175 

Pausias, painter contemporary with 
ApeUes, painted licentious can- 

vasses, n. 49: see A then, xiil, 
3676., where Pausanias is 
emended by some to Pausias 
Penelope, wife of Ulysses, her web, 

I. 49 ; her suitors, i. 133 
Periander, king of Corinth, and 

Arion, I. 57 ; coupled with Poly- 
crates, n. 61 

Pergamum, citadel of, with temple 
to Aesculapius, i. 51 

Pericles, a disciple of Anaxagoras, 

II. 69 

Perpema, probably consul in 130 
B.O., coins of, n. 113 

Persians, their training, L 107; 
the great King, I. 271 ; their 
kings elected by the neifi^iing of 
a horse, n. 141 ; n. 26n. 

Pescennius Niger, claimant to the 
empire against Severus, given a 
military post (apocryplial letter) 
by Marcus, n. 315 

PetUianus, see Demostr'atus 

Petronius M Amertinus. father of M .'s 
son-in-law, letter ox F. to, H. 242 

Phaluis and his brazen bull. ll. 88 

Phidias, the famous sculptor, as 
type of supreme excellence, i. 
129 ; serious work of, n. 49 

Philoctetes, lameness of. n. 61 

Pictor, Q. Fabius, earliest Roman 
annalist, wrote incondite, n. 49 

Pisitheus, a doctor to M.'s children 
(apocrvphal letter), n. 317 

Piso, letter of M. to n. 290n. 

Pius, see Aemilius Pius 

Phaedrus (Phaeder, Ck)d.), in 
Plato's dialogue, i. 33, 43 

Plarianns, Aegrilius, legatus of 
Africa, letter to, in favour of 
AquiUnus, I. 289 

Plato, reference to his Phaedrus, I. 
21, 33, 43 ; Socrates in the 
Phaedo, 1. 187 ; AquiUnus versed 
in his doctrines, L 289 ; Symposia, 
Dialogues, and Letters of the 
Soeratics, n. 11 ; mentioned in 
mutilated passage, n. 50 ; on 
ambition, n. 63 ; contrasted 
with dialecticians, n. 67 ; elo- 
quence of, n. 69 ; phonemata of, 
u. 74 

Plautius (Flotius) Gallus, L., 
copyist of old writers, 1. 167 

PlautuB, the comic poet, used 



choice words, i. 5 ; Plautine 
word elaoere^ i. 7 ; amoris imber, 
etc., I. 112; his Colax quoted, 

I. 187 ; for polish of style, li. 5 ; 
piacatus hamatUU, U. 7 ; locu» 
lubrieus, ll. 7 ; ear.radieittu, U. 
102 ; certain words used by him 
(mutilated passage), n. 115 ; his 
MU68 Glorioaua, n. 193; a 
Plautine expression preserved 
In the margin, n. 24a. Fronto 
imitates him tliroughout, see 

{)a8sageB collected by Studemund, 
etter to Klussmann (whom also 
see p. 78) at the end of his 
Snmulationes FrorUonianaet pp. 
XXX, xxxi; also Ehrenthal, 
Quaestiones FrorUonianaet p. 36, 
37, and Schwlerczlna, FronUmiana 
pp. 19-21. He quotes servi- 
tutem servire, pipulus, propinque, 
superflo, robiginosus, interpolis, 
impos, recte provenlre, frustra 
esse, precator, impidre, apiculus, 

Plautillus (in apocryphal letter), n. 

Polemo or Polemon, a famous 
rhetorician heard by M. at 
Naples, I. 117 ; cp. n. 241n. 
See also Pliilostratus VU. Soph. 
p. 231 Kayser 

Polemo, the reformed rake and 

Shilosopher, (from Horace), 1. 123 
lio, Asinius, "dead" for Mar- 
cus, I. 139 ; his ConsUia, u. 142 

Polus, a Sophist of Sicily (Plato's 
Gorgias), I. 103 

Polycletus, sculptor of fourth 
century B.o., famous for his 
study of human figure, less rough 
than Calamis, u. 49 

Polycrates, tyrant of Samos, cruci- 
fied 522 B.o. ; daughter's dream, 
n. 27 ; story of his ring, II. 23 f. ; 
coupled with Feriander, n. 61 

Pompeius Magnus, Gnaeus.Cicero's 
praise of and his title of Magnus » 

II. 31 ; his letter to the Senate 
from Spain, n. 143 

Pompeius Falco, friend of Pliny 
the Younger, his estate visited 
by P. and My i. 141 

Pompeianus, M:.'s son-in-law, com- 
mander in the "mbnculous 

Victory " (apocryphal letter), d. 
303 ; mentioned in apocryphal 
letter (possibly Pomp. Quin- 
tianus is meant), ii. 317 

Pompeianus, Praecilius, letters to, 
II. 89, 91 

Pompeianus, Saenius, farms taxes 
of Africa, letter recommending 
him to M., I. 233 

Pompeii, fig tree of, I. 117 

Pomponius, a writer of Atellane 
farces about 90 B.O., notable for 
rustic and comic words, i. 5 

Pomptine plain, U. 76 

Pontius, see Laeltanus 

PorciuB, M., see Cato 

Postumius, see Festus 

Praeneste, a city of Latium, Fortune 
of, n. 105 see Ovid, Fasti, vL, 61, 
Cic. de Dt9. n. 41, etc. 

Procuius, of doubtful identity, 
character as judge and as man, 
n. 187 

Prometheus alluded to, il. 13 

Protagoras, an early sophist (Plato's 
Tfiea^etus) entrapped by Socrates, 
I. 103 

Protogenes, painter contemporary 
with Apelles, took eleven years to 
paint his lalysus I. 135 ; painter 
of large canvasses, ii 49 

Puteoli, sea town of Oampania, 
hot nodns at, l. 143 

Pylades, a pantomimus who took 
his name from the famous P. of 
Augustus' timn, I. 305 ; there 
were two of the name at this 
period, one a freedman of Pins 
and the other of Marcus and L. 
{see Inser. Qruler. 331^) 

Pythagoras, his esoteric symbols 
and signs, n. 48 

Pyrallus (?), li. 94 

Pyrrhaeans, proverb for averting 
ill referring to them, i. 125 


Quadi, " miraculous " victory over, 

II 301n. 
Quadratus. see Fronto — brotlier of 
Quadrigarius, see CI. Quadr. 
Quintus, a poet, probably s=Ennius, 




QuintiUan, imitated by F., I lOOn. ; 
his iMt. vi, Pref . is i)erhapB imi- 
tated in the De Nepcte AmistOt 
n. 222 f. : obsoleta et volgaria 
verba, n. 80 (Quint. 18, 66) 


Bemus, auguries of, n. 141 

Repentinus Ck)ntucciu8, Cornelius, 

praef. praet, under Pius, letter to, 

as "brother," thanking lilm for 

good offices to Fabianus, i. 283 

Rhodes, rebuilt by Pius, n. 281 

Rome, loved by M. l. 181 ; Mons 

Caelius, i. 143; the Portunium 

or Flower Market, 1. 164 (margin 

of Cod.); the Capitol and grove, 

I. 51 ; the Ovilia and the Tiber, 

II. 112; no accepter of gifts, 
I. 271 ; empire of, enlarged, n. 
9 ; vicissitudes of, n. 27 ; in- 
habitants of -old Palatine hill at 
Rome ? m2 Cod., II. 112 ; 
Trajan's Forum, n. 804 

Romulus, won the Spolia Opinuit 
n. 11 ; the Sabine women, ii. 
11 ; took auguries, n. 141 

Roscius, the great comedian, I. 
65, n. 67 

Ruflnus, Sulpictus, honorary treas- 
urer of (iuild of Bacchus at 
Smsrma, n. 295 

Rufus Passienus, q.v. 

Rufus Senex, Velius, letter of F. 
to, n. 87 

Rusticus, the Stoic philosopher and 
preceptor of Marcus, the Roman 
R., n 7 ; I. 218n. 


Saenins, see Pompeianus 
SaUostius Oispus, Gains, imitator 

of Cato, I. 5; his maxims, i. 

13 ; Jugurtha and Catiline of, 

I. 15 ; long extracts from these, 
n. 169 fl.; new readings in, 

II. 164n. ; Sallust and Cicero 
contrasted in use of figures, n. 
159; antithesis of, ibvi.; ad- 
mired by F., I. 163 ; M. asks for 
eomething especially eloquent 

by, I. 801 ; his style (sfructe), n. 
49 ; extracts from (?), r. 80 ; 
M. praised for following in his 
steps, n. 71 ; his trumpet note, 
u. 75 ; manu ventre pene^ n. 83 ; 
imitated, n. 101 ; might is 
right, n. 110 ; use of antiquiUu 
by, n. 114 ; certain words (i>as- 
sage mutilated) used by, n. 
115 ; speech plagiarised by 
Yentidlus, n. 137 ; quotation 
about Oato and Gracchus, n. 
141 ; letter of Mithridates to 
Arsaces quoted, il. 143 ; letter 
of Pompeius to Senate quoted 
from, II. 143 ; letter of Adherbal 
to Senate from Cirta, n. 143 ; 
quotation from lost works, ll. 
198 ; constantly imitated by 
Fronto, e.ff.^ faucibus urgebat, 
I. 150 ; tametsi . . . tamen, a 
common usage in Sallust, i. 
202 f. ; n. 130 ; ll. 214, 246 ; 
also globus, n. 182 ; intutus, 
I. 46 ; vagi palantes, i. 202 ; 
eonsultor M., i. 60 ; nullum inter 
bonos et malos fortunarum 
discrimen, n. 224 ; see Schwier- 
czina, Frontoniatia, p. 17 ; simile 
about a fire (see Suidas under 
Athenodorus), ll. 96 « 

Sallustius, alias Fulvianus, n. 195 

Santra, see Maximus, Appius 

Sardius Lupus, pupil of F., n. 243 ; 
grief at brother s death, ibid. 

Sardius Satuminus, father of F.'s 
pupils, n. 241 ; his son Lupus, 
n. 243 ; letter to, on loss of his 
son, n. 243 

Saxa, letter of M. to, n. 290n. 

Scipio Africanus, extracts from his 
OnUiuneulae by M., i. 139; 
mentioned, i. 167 ; Carthaginian 
prisoners, n. 29 

Scipio, Publius, general against 
Jugurtha (Sallust), n. 163 

Scythiuis, Anacharsis a Scythian 

I. 137 ; alluded to as nomad ? 

II. 203 

Sempronia, mentioned in Sallust's 

Catiline, n. 167 
Seneca, L. Annaeus, F. a disciple 

of (hx>nical), n. 7 ; moUia et 

febrieulosa mrunula of, li. 102 ; 

his style in general, ii. 102 ; 




supposed referenoe by F. to, 
Incr. p. xvili 

Senex, Julius, friend of F. sum- 
moned from Mauretania, i. 237 

Senex, Velius Buf us, see Ruf us 

Serenus, Volumnius, Me Volumnius 

Serious Flavius [?Plautus, Quint. 
X. i, 124 : Pliny NM. ind. auct. 
b. 2-18 (also Paulus) : cp. also 
(Apuleius) «-epi ipii-nv.y p. 262 
Hud.] contrasted with Seneca 
for sobriety of language, n. 103 

Sertorius, tee n. 143n. 

Servilius Silanus, an orator and 
patron of Cirta, I. 203 

Servius, the Vergilian grammarian, 
refers to Fr. on Aen. viL 688 
{0<Uerum\ n. 266n. ; on Aen. i 
409; he says Fr. objected to 
amieUiae mutuae. cp. i. 11, 236 , 
on Aen. vii. 30 ; that he used inter 
for per as Terence, cp. Exempla 
Bloeutionum (? Fronto) e.v. ; on 
Aen. vii. 445; ardeo in rem 
mven as Oomelii elocutio, but in 
Exempl. Eloe. (? Fronto) only 
Aen. viL 628 is quoted r 

Severianus destroyed with his 
legion by the Parthians at 
Elegeia, 162 A.D., n. 21n. 

Severus, Claudius, probably the 
Peripatetic pliilosopher, whose 
son married Fadilla, M.'s 
daughter; letter to him 
reoommendhig Sulp. Comellanus, 
I. 285 

Sextus Empiricus, n. 83n. 

Sextus Calpumius, given two 
procuratorships by Pius, i. 263 

Sibylla, oracles of, i. 91 ; Sibylline 
books, n. 135 

Sicily, in the story of Arion, I. 57 ; 
Trinacria, I. 92 

Signia, unpalatable wine of, i. 177 

Silenus, garlands of, made of vine, 
n. 86 

Sisenna, a historian born about 
118 B.O., wrote Umginguey ii. 
49: noted for erotics (Milesian 
Fables 7), L 5 

Smyrna, earthquake at, n. 299; 
totter of M. to Quild of Bacchus 
at» n. 295 

Socrates, In Plato's Phaedrtu, i. 
88; In the PAoado (pleasures and 


pains linked together), i. 187: 
his irony, i. 101 ; sapped error 
by mines, i. 101 ; in the Sym- 
poaia and Dialogvee and Letters 
of the Soeraties, n. 11 : pupil of 
Aspasia, teacher of Alcibiades, 
n. 11, 61 ; captious in argument, 

I. 48; in mutilated passage, n. 
10 (marghi, De Socrate), 60, 64 

Sohaemus, mitde king of Armenia 
by Lucius, n. 145 

Solon and Croesus, n. 61 

Soteridas, a physician to M. and 
Faustina (in apocryphal letter), 
n. 317 

Spain, letter of Pompey from, n. 
143 ; see also Hiberi 

Spartacus, a gladiator who organ- 
ized a revolt in Italy in 73 B.O., 

II. 147 ; an able general, n. 217 
Squilla Oallicanus, letter to, n. 245 ; 

his son F.'s pupil pleads at the 
bar, n. 245 : see tUso emendation 
by Br. Hauler, I. 90 

Staberius, copyist of ancient 
writers, I, 167 

Statianus, friend of F. and father of 
Faustinianus, his pupil, I. 291 

Stratonabia (?), n. 92 

Styx, II. 14 

Suetonius Tranquillus, speaks of 
iepbv btrrovv. II. 174; quoted in 
apocEyphal letter, n. 293 

Sulla, Faustus, see Faustus 

Sulla, Publius (Cod. Lucius), 
Cicero's speech for, n. 101 

Syria^ Syrian soldiers, n. 208, 210 ; 
morals of Daphne (in apocryphal 
letter), n. 307 ; Syrian door- 
keeper (so Cod), I. 270». 

Tacitus, phrase from (?). n. 62 ; see 
also Schwierczina, Prontonianat 
p. 86 f. ; ne liveant neque in- 
videant, I. 72 ; exemplares, ii 

Taenarus (or Taenarum) in story 
of Arion, l. 67, 59 

Tarentum, in story of Arion, I. 57, 
59 ; rosee of, 1. 117 


Tasurcns, an Inferior actor, con- 
trasted with Boscius, n. 67 

Taurus range, see Balcia, n. 214n. 

Telamon, father of Ajax, words to 
his sons going out to the Trojan 
war (Ennius), n. 21 

TerenoB, extracts from (? Fronto's), 

I. 80n. ; copied, l. 298 ; see also 
Ehrentlial, Quaestiones FrontO' 
niatiae. pp. 36 f . ; Klussmann, 

* Emendatumes FronUmianae, p. 
78 ; Schwierczina, Frontoniana, 
p. 22 f . ; and Hertz, Renaissance 
und JRococo, note 77 ; rem 
omnem dilapidare, I. 158; con- 
vicUs protelare, l. 62; ubique 
phaleris utendum, I. 106; sum- 
mus=intimus, n. 220, 234; fao 
periculum, i. 286, 290 

Tereus, a Thracian tdng, type of 
criminality, n. 65 

Teuoer, arrow deflected by Apollo, 

Themistocles, F. asked by M. to 
befriend him in Asia, I. 235 

Theodorus, a rhetorician of Gadara, 
his eirixeip^/xara, I. 39 ; II . 

lOln. ; n. 109n. 

Theophrastus (MS. Thucydides), 
Aristotle's successor, quotation 
as to lovers being blind, i. 109 

Theopompus, rhetorician and his- 
torian (circa 333 B.O.), reputed 
the most eloquent of the Greeks, 

Thersites, n. 69 

Tlirasymachus, a sophist, entrapped 
by Socrates (Plato's Republic and 
Phaedrus)y 1. 103 

Thucydides, the memorable letter 
of Kicias, n. 143 ; his fifty years 
war (I. 89 flf.)„ ii. 197 ; see also 
under Theophrastus 

Thurselius, readuig of m' Cod. 
Ambr. 62, I. 168 

Tiber, canalised by an Etruscan (?), 

II. Ill 

Tiberius, his library at Home hi the 

Palatium, i. 179 ; the notorious, 

n. 139 
Tibur (Tivoli), temperature at 

nightfall moderate, i. 143 
Tigris, crossed by Trajan, n. 201 ; 

ferry dues on, fixed by Trajan, 

n. 215 

Timocrates, mentioned as a philo- 
sopher, n. 50 

Tiro, reviser of Ciceronian MSS., 
I. 167 

Titius, a poet, probably the Septi- 
mius Titius of Hor. Ep, I. 8, 
9-14 (cp. Od. n. 6), I. 167 

Titianus, on the Frontonians, Intr. 

Trajan, delighted in actors, n. 9 : 
war in Dacia, n. 121 ; hard 
drinker, n. 9; his general de- 
feated by Parthians, n. 203 ; 
campaigns against Parthla, n. 

, 205 ; knew his soldiers by name, 
ibid. ; grudged his generals 
honours, ii. 207 ; murder of 
Parthian Kiag Parthamasiris at 
Rome, n. 213; provinces an- 
nexed by him surrendered by 
Hadrian, n. 207; ambitious of 
glory, n. 213 ; popularity in 
peace, n. 217 ; equally illus- 
trious in peace and war, n. 216 ; 
mentioned in apocryphal letter, 

' n. 315 ; fond of actors, n. 215 

Tranquillus, not Suetonius, I. 307 

Trebanius, coin of (jtons Trebania 
{see Eckhel, v. 326), n. 113 

Trinacria (Sicily), l. 92 

TuUius, see Cicero 

Turbo, Marcius, pra^. praet. under 
Hadrian, friend of Censorius, 

Tusculum, Cato's birthplace, i. 43 ; 
sunny mornings at, i. 143 

Tuscus (?), II. 110 


Ulpius Eurycles, curator of Ephesus, 

letter of M. to, n. 270 
Ulpius, mentioned in a letter to 

Junius Maximus as friend of F., 

possibly Ulpius Marcellus, the 

jurist, II. 245 
Ulysses, the " labyrhith " of, I. 93 ; 

eloquence of (Homer, II. m. 112) ; 

II. 59 ; in Pacuvius (Gtollius), Ii. 

Umbria, home of Victorinus, i. 




Urbicus, Lollius, praef. urbi, ii. 

180n. and 181 
Utico, in Sallust, n. 164 

Valerianus, mentioned in letter to 
CI. Julianus. ii. 93 

Valerius, official for "sacred 
things," in apocryphal letter, n. 

Valerius, Antonius. to hand a 
petition in to Lucius, I. 305 

VfQerius Clltianus, letter to, lost, 
n. 190n. 

Variani alumni, of Matidia, ll. 99 

Varro, Marcus, the Roman poly- 
math, book of Satires called 
Exdemetricus (Oellius), il. 261 ; 
proverb from satire, ii. 273 ; 
used expression praeUr-propter, 
n. 275 

Vectilianus, Caesonius, officer at 
Antioch (in apocryphal letters), 
n. 307 

Vellus Bufns Senex, see Bufus 

Venetus, a Venetiaji, or for Vene- 
tianus, a partisan of the " Blues " 
in the Circus, n. 91 

Ventidius, triumphed over Par- 
thians, b. 137 ; plagiarised a 
speech from Sallust, ibid. 

Venus, mother of Deceit, I. 151 ; 
favours the night, u. 15 ; her 
tresses, n. 105 

Vergil, most careful in the choice of 
words, n. 265 ; calls the olive leaf 
flavM (? where), n. 267 ; his use 
of glatwus, n. 267 ; extracts 
from (?) I. 80n. For Imitations 
of see Hertz, Renaissance und 
Rococo, note 76; Schwierczina, 
Frontonianat p. 31 

Verus, Lucius, adopted son of Pius 
and oo-Emperor with M., calls 
himself Verus, l. 296, 306 ; first 
mention and speech of thanks 
(? for consulship)! l. 241 ; illness 
at Canusium, n. 85 ; urged to be 
abstinent, n. 87 ; eloquent 
dispatch to Senate, n. 133, 145 ; 


a good letter to F. excusing 
himself for not writing, n. 117 ; 
bonUas of, n. 92 ; letter, speeches, 
parleys with enemy, n. 196 f . ; 
asks F. to make the most of his 
exploits, ibid. ; troops enlisted 
by, n. 207 : military virtues of, 
II. 131, 209 f.; justice and 
clemency, n. 213 ; oomi)ared 
with Trajan, l. 207; fond of^ 
actors, I. 305 ; II. 215 ; com- 
pared to Marius and Vespasian, 
II. 205; answer to Parthian 
king, n. 133; discipline of the 
army in SsTia, n. 149 ; learnt 
lessons of wiufare from Cato, 
n. 151 ; scolds F.. i. 295 ; 
Faustina and her children with 
him in Syria, n. 237 ; F. sends 
him some speeches to Syria, n. 
235 ; frightened by the eata- 
fraeti of the Parthians, n. 117n. ; 
carries Fronto when ill, n. 241 

Vespasian, bom at Nursia, ii. 205 ; 
mentioned, ii. 139 

Victorinus, Aufidius, F's son-in-law, 
I. 125 ; brings news of Faustina, 
I. 195 ; opinion of himself as 
judge, n. 215 ; F.'s daughter 
betrothed to him, i. 293 ; not so 
eloquent as M., li. 37 ; men- 
tioned in connexion with F.'s 
possible death, n. 153; F.'s 
letters to, n. 169 ff. ; see also n. 
175n. ; asked to befriend Aquila 
in his province, n. 171 

Victorinus, infant son of above, 
n. 173 and 172n. 

Victorinus, Furius pra^. praei. 
159-167, mentioned in apocry- 
phal letter, u. 306 

Villianus (?) to plead against 
Herodes, i. 67 

Viriathus, a Spanish Insurgent 
leader (about 150 B.O.), able in 
war, n. 147, 217 

Vitrasius Pollio, praef. praet. about 
172 A.D., mentioned in apocry- 
phal letter of M., n. 305 

Vologaesus, the Parthian king who 
declared war on the Romans, 
dethroned by Lucius, n. 143 ; 
letter of Verus to, n. 213 ; made 
Pacorus king of Armenia, n. 


Volunmius Serenus of Ck)ncordia in 
Venetia, his cose for restitution 
as deeuriOt n. 177 ff. « 

Volunmius Quadratus, letters of 
F. to, I. 307 : works of Cioero with 
annotations oy F., i. 309 

ptiUosophers, n. 50 ; contrasted 
with dialecticiaus, ii. 67 ; served 
as volunteer . under Cyrus, il. 
201 ; fond of hunting, Ufid. 

Xenocrates, i. 122n. 
Xenophon mentioned in a mutilated 
passage with Socrates and other 

Zeno, founder of Stoic philosophy, 
his power of expositionr ii. 49, 
51 ; mentioned after Cleanthes, 
II. 63 



Words apparently not found elsewhere are given in Italies ; doubtSvl words 
are obelised. For eompleU lists of words in Fronto drawn from ancient 
tpriters or of a poetical east^ or used in a different sense, see Priebe, de 

Frontone etc., pp. 10-18. 

a cubito inflrmus, F. l. 218 
abludot for MS. abluo, n. 100 
abB te (absque). F. I. 232 ; n. 130 ; 

n. 264 (Geilius) ; absque te, 

accusative of respect, quae con- 

scius Sim, F. n. 228 
accipio= treaty well, M. I. 216 
acclamatio (ciri^coi'^/uiaTa M.), i. 

aoentetus (Greek), n. 6 
acta oognitionum, n. 02 
actus, a holding of land, F. n. 112 
ad^apud (Ck>d.), 1. 180 
adaeque (Plant.) F. n. 217 
ad aliquem modum (luvare), M. 

I. 140 

adcensusf (MS.), F. I. 8 
addubito with dat., F. i. 56, 

with ace, F. I. 64 
adaixint (sacerdotal), i. 64 
admurmurort dep., F. 1. 118 
adorea, F. li. 20 
adparatus verborum, F. I. 288 
adpiciseor, F. l. 226 
adpropinquatio (Cicero), M. i. 246 
adquiesco, M. U. 18; M. 128, F. 

228 ; see also Exempla Eloeul- 

ionum, Mai. p. 336 
aSp6i, F. of style, l. 104 
aaseveratio, F. i. 40 
adsiduus, F., a man of substance, 

II. 260 ; adsidue diei, i. 90, cp. 
I. 122 

aerumna, F. n. 20, 40 : of HercuI^Q* 

labours, F. n. 100, 200 
agere satis pro, M. i. 209 

aloedonia, F. u. 6 
aUenus mihi, F. I. 122 
aUpta, M. I. 151 
aliquo=aliquanto. M. n. 32 
altercator (Quintilian only), F. 11. 

altipendulus (? Novius), 1. 182 
amici= consilium, M. n. 96 
amplificus, F. I. 74 
animans opicus, M. l. 142 
animadverto with ace, F. 11. 210 
annona= corn-supply, F. 11. 216 
di/ri5o<n$, of property, F. i. 276 
antiqui veteres, F. u. 92 
antiquius (cp. irpe<rPvTepov\ F. 11. 

antiquitas (Sallust), U. 114 
anucellalf, F. 11. 90 
anxiu8= laboured, F. i. 100 
apopsis, F. n. 6 
airoT(/uiT)(ri(, F. I. 276 
arcana amlcitiae, i. 258 
arena (harena)= amphitheatre, F. 

n. 216 ; arena or arenae, 11. 253 ; 

cp. I. 160 
arma, plural only, 255, 257, 261 
&pti6^eiv. F. n. 108 
apdpiriieof, n. 252 
aprripla, M. I. 184 

asa, UmbriEui for ara, in law of 

Numa, see Gellius, iv. 3. 3, F. i. 

aspergor paululum pluviae (Cod), 

M. I. 174 
astus, I. 46 ; n. 143 
Atellaniola, F. I. 138 ' 
atque as used by Cato, M. I. 152 ; 

M. I. 76 ; F. I. 6 
attat (Cato), n. 44 


aveo (?), M. i. 82 
auctibus augere* F. n. 8 (Livy) 
angnstius dicere (Cicero only), F. n. 

balba vlrgo, F. n. 72 

balbutlo, F. n. 71, 108 

baluoelsf, M. (?), i. 210 

barbarismus, F. i. 124 

battuo (or ? baUo)y F. i. 106 

biMiothecarius, M. l. 178 

bona volentla, F. n., but In margin 

bonus et optlmus, i. 16 ; n. 98 

caedes mandata, F. n. 88 

caelum, "Heaven," n. 64; ad- 
dressed at death, F. n. 229 

caelum^ heaven, F. n. 16 

caelum, always sing. n. 253 f., 259 

caerimoniae, n. 258 

caeruleu8= green, n. 267,8 

caesia (for caelia), n. 267 

calvo, marg. of C!od. Ambr. 58, I. 

canalis, m' God. Ambr. 349, n. 

canto, F. n. 2 

catacnanna, M. i. 140 ; F. n. 103 

catafracti, F. n. 213 

catus, F. n. 200 

careo, with ace, n. 182 

cau9idioali8, M. I. 180 

causidioatio, F. n. 176 

caveo a (the latter deleted by mS), 
M. I. 230 

cellae fllii, F. n. 94 

oelox, ace. eeloeai (Cod. Vat. 91), 
F. n. 38 

cenobator or cenobatus  (evofiwrriv 
Cod. Ambr. 333 (Hauler), i. 282n 

oeratina, F. n. 66 

cemuare, F. n. 212 (Varro) 

ceteri alii, F. i. 220 

Xaipe, F. n. 250 

chamaetorttu^t F. n. 70 

chirurga (m*^ Etrusca), n. 48 

cholera, i. 241 

circa, in respect of, F. I. 286 

drcumitlo, F. n. 112 
dvilis, Pius, 1. 126 
dassicus, F. ii. 260 
claudo^daudioo, F. i. 104, 186; 

n. 38 
duet, F. I. 4 
codicilll, n. 98 
colon (kwXov), n. 76 
coUus in plural, n. 96 
comitia always plur., n. 255 
commemoramentum (Gaec. Statius), 

F. I. 56 
commentaria concilii, F. I. 286 
commodaiius, F. n. 114 
commotisaimitSt F.^n. 158 
comparative repeated, verior quam 

disertior, F. I. 125 
comperendino, only Cicero, F. n. 15 
concastigo, M. i. 18 
concesso (Plant.), n. 86 
conchimf, M. i. 18n. 
conclamor. F. I. 212 
concillabulum verborum, F. n. 54, 

animarum, F. n. 226 
concinnitas colorum (Qellius), n. 

eoncttu«t=concitatus, F. n. 102 
concordissime cum (Cicero and 

Inscr.), F. n. 230 - 
confUsaneusf, emend, by Haupt, ii. 

congarrio, F. n. 172 
consiliosus (Cato), F. n. 146 
Consilia of PolUo, n. 142 
consilium, F. I. 287 
constemor, a favourite word with 

F. ; also M. l. 242 
constrepo, F. (first), n. 216 
consueidw (marg. Cod. Ambr. 400), 

n. 64 
contubemalis, F. i. 280 ; n. 240, 

conticinium (not conticinnum as 

Naber, and wrongly In text), 

M. I. 142 (Varro) 
conus, F. n. 106 
convenientes oculi, M. n. 108 
conventum est illudf (Cod.), F. 

n. 54 
convert©, Intr. F. i. 304 ; n. 18 ; 

trans, i. 208 
cordatus, F. i. 240 
eordax^j adj. F. n. 102 
oomiculus, F. n. 204 (Livy) 
corpusculum, M. l. 248 



crispuIuB, of style, M. u. 110 
euro with dat., F. n 14 
cumilis (Apuleius also), F. u. 16 


da, baby's cry, n. 172 

daduchus, F. n. 134 

dare verba alicui, F. l. 3n. 

datavi (Cato), n. 46 

dative of purpose, obtentui, F. n. 
186: despicatui, n. 204; oneri 
(God. oneris), 1. 220 ; by emenda- 
tion, n. 284; of agent, n. 206 

decern tanta, F. l. 250 

decern partibus malo, M. 1. 176 

decurio. n. 177 ff. 

defero (Cod. desero), ii. 4 

defervesoere, M. I. 78 

degluttiie (first used), F. n. 172 

delJEktoria nota, F. li. 6 

deliberamentum^ (Cod.) from 
Laberius, i. 166 

delicia, sing. (Plant.), n. 255 

delidas fado, M. i. 102 ' 

delere ad lignum (Cato), n. 46 

delenimentum (emend.), i. 166 

demeare, F., first, 1. 12 

demlssus sanguis, F. n. 84 

desiderantiust desiderantisHmuSt F. 
I. 208 ; M. 1. 118, 162 ; F. I. 242 ; 
n. 237 

desinire^ Cod. for desinere, F. i. 

SuurKtva^tiv, I. 210 ; n. 68 ; 
Jiao-KcvTf, n. 82 

dicis ? (fiuccuv, emend.), L 104 

dieeoMarttim (Laberius), I. 102 

diOariat sarcasms, StiKTfipiov (La- 
berius), n. 102 

dictio for oratio, M. i. 188 ? used 
by Cicero, Ttue. It Is used also 
perhaps in the ordinary sense, by 
M. I. 60 ; n. 8-9 

dies : in cases the Cod. gives the 
feminine gender to this word 
in the sense of day, but in 3 of 
the cases words in agreement are 
masc.; in all other cases it 
appears correctly as masc. 

differo, F. i. 162 ; M. I. 192 

diiudicatio (Cic. only), ii. 224 

diluceo, a favourite word, F. I. 2 
6 etc. 

diploma.F. 1. 168 

disamo, F. I. 66 

disdidi ((3ato), n. 46 

digooneinnut, F. n. 110 

dispositius ex eonj. Kluss for dis- 
positus, M. I. 82 

dogma, ml has dogmam*(as Laberi- 
us), ace. M. I. 32 

dogmate, M. L 80 

doamatitf dat. pi., F. n. 62 

dolere with ace. of resp., F. n. 174 ; 
M. n. 220 

domina, who meant by ?, L 17 

domine, as term of respect, n. 171n.: 
with frater, il. 171, 204, 245 ; 
with flli, n. 176 ; with magister, 
so Cod. Ambr. 240— but ? i. 300 

domnula, M. I. 212 ; n. 2 

donicum for donee, F. n. 182 

BpoKtov of a standard or body of 
men, n 301n 

duos ambos, F. n. 134 

duint, M. (sacerdotal), I. 176 

duum-eduorum, 8e4 i. 8n. 

durus, of Marcus, F. i. 206 

SvtnrapainiTotf H. 18 

dux=legatus in spurious letter, li. 

6b>pcai/, n. 204 


eadem (sc. opera), F. I. 194 

eductor (Cod. Ambr. 324) » educa- 
tor, n. 172 

effectum opus, a finished work 
(Quintilian), M. i. 128 

tlKiov, see simile, tlK6v9 abl. I. 38 
, (Quint. I. 4. 164, Naber) 

elpMveui, I. 102 

eiurare, F.. 1. 144, 146 

elavere (Plautus), F. i. 8 

elevatlo (or relevatio), F. 1. 104 

eltnguis (Cic. Tac), F. n. 136 * 

tfuftami ^ov(, I.J302 

ivavrioVf iiirh rov, II. 108 

encomioffraphtu (misprinted in 

text), M. I. 142 
eviKo>(, n. 258 )( irXij^vriieuf , II. 260 
enodatus, M. n. 108 
ivBvtLTitidrtov napdio^a^ F. II. 76 
cirtYcipi}/u.a, M. I. 90 (irouciXa). 0«o- 

5ttpov, 1. 38 ; Nlebuhr for epigram" 
mata, n. 90 



epidietieut, F. I. 104 

eirt^wmf/ia, I. 208 

epulones, n. lOn. 

equitatio (Pliny only), M. i. 180 

mutes, M. i. 30 

ipv$fi6i, n. 263 

esor, F. n. 8 

esse ad» M. i. 74 

etiam atque etiam, F. 1. 12 

etiam . . . etiam with plural verb, 

F. IT. 146 
EtniBca, Ck>d., m', F. n. 48n. 
Enpbrati, gen. F., u. 214 
evectio (Cato), n. 44 
eventllare, F. i. 12 
eversns oculus, F. n. 226 
exadvorsnm, F. n. 120 
excaldare. excaldatio, late words 

in spurious letter, n. 306 
exempla Metelli, F. n. 148 
exemplar (?) masc. (exemplares), 

F. II. 138 (Tacitus) 
i^opx^ttrSai, F. I. 26 
expergitus (from expergo), M. i. 02 ; 

F. n. 210 

c^irAwpaTwpcc, U. 302 

exradicitus (Piaut.), F. n. 102 

ex sunmiis opibus, F. I. 64 ; n. 12. 

exsequiae, never sing., F. n. 230 
extremus (worst), F. I. 168 (emen- 
dation), F. n. 130 (conjecture) 

Alius, as term of respect and 

affection, F. l. 308 
fllius terrfte, F. ll. 94 
fine ea (juridical), to that extent= 

eatenus, used by Gelliua and 

flavus, F. n. 267, 269 
fodlo, F. I. 241 
forma, a sketch, F. n. 164; ex 

forma, F. I. 235 
fors fortuna, F. n. 34 
forte temere (Livy), F. n. 210 : but 

forte aut temere, i. 254 
fraglo, Cod. for flagro (I. 194 ; n. 

40) ; I. 84. 114, 130, 220 
frater, complimentary title, ii. 190 ; 

see also under domine 
frigeo, to have a cold, F. I. 300 
friguttire, F. n. 06 
frugaliter dicere (Cicero), F. ii. 145 
frumentarius, F. n. 216 
frustra esse, F. i. 238 (ex conject.) ; 

II. 98 
fuat, F. II. 61 ; abfuat (Nab. for 

Cod. abluat), F. n. 100 
f umus not always sing., {ep. crooked 

smokes, Shaks.), F. n. 259 
fungor with ace. (?), F. i. 290 ; n. 

178, perfungor and fruor, ii. 4, 

154. See utor 
futurum=>the future (Sallust), n. 



facio delicias, M. L 192 
facultas, facilitas, i. 290n. 
fallor quin, F. I. 88 
fauces miseras habere, i. 232 
faveo, with abl., F. n. 170n. 
faxo (?for taxo Br. C!od. axo), F. 

n. 238, (legal) n. 100 
faxit aegaa n. 176 
febricito, M. n. 2 
febriculae (pi.), M. i. 202 ; febri- 

culosus, F. n. 102 
feliciter, I. 278n. 
felix arbor, F. (legal), n. 180; 

felicia Vina, F. n. 7 
feriae occurs in sing., F. n. 259 ; 

feriae feriatae (pi.), M. n. 2 
fidieularius, of dialectical subtleties, 

F. 11.66 


galemmy neut., F. (Servius ad Aen. 
vii. 688), ep. n. 264 

ganea, F. n. 148 

gargarisso, M. 1. 188 

gaudeo with ace, F. I. 222 

gelosus, F. u. 206 

geminata verba, F. I. 40 

gemmula, F. (first), i. 10 

genlo bene habere, F. n. 6 

genitive, of quality (or se. causa), 
I. 40 (without epithet), I. 220 
(MS.) ; u. 234 (MS.); of respect : 
certior consilii, F. I. 64 ; peritus 
militiae, F. I. 290 ; frugi rerum, 
I. 254 ; omnium sanus, i. 124 ; 

garcus and modestus, i. 220 ; ad 
oc locorum, n. 178; quid loci, 
I. 260 ; interdum loci (?), L, 84 ; 
horae quid, n. 96 



plaral In um not turn, mensum 
(MS.), 1. 158 ; AthenienBum (Cod. 
Vat. 137), L 216 ; parentum in 
speech Pro rtolemaeensibus, «e« 
(JharisiuB Ars Oram. i. 138 

Greek, AchilU, Alcibiadi, Eu- 

Shrati, Herculi, Polycratl, Alixi, 
ocratl, but AchilUs, u. 109 ep, 

Parthamasirl, n. 215 
gerundive use : res laetundae, 

P. I. 130, usns oommunicandl 

artium, F. n. 244; fovendi 

infantum faucibus (?), P. n. 42 
genum^ neut. P. i. 240 
gibberosot^ only here figuratively, 

P. n. 70 
glaucus hi Vergil, n. 264,' 266 
yAavKwirif , II, 267 
gUsoo, M. I. 142 
yXwo-o-oKOfioi^ (rejected by Phry- 

nichus), M. n. 201 
gnome (or gnoma), 1. 12, 14 
yvw/Ai;, I. 16, 54 
Oraecia terra, M. i. 142 
Graeciensis (Gellius). n. 272 
gratia sententiae flat, I. 304 
gravatiust P. I. 208 
gravedo, a cold, P. I. 194 
gravius magno pondere amo (cp. 

Cic. De Officiis, iU. 8), P. I. 172 
gustum, neut., P. n. 108 

hamatalis (Plautus), I. 6 

hastatus miles, added ;.to extract 

from Sallust, n. 164n. 
hastula, n. 107 
hora decimam tangit (decimum in 

text is a misprint), P. i. 90 
horae quid for qua hora, ii. 96 
hordeum, no^plur., n. 254n. 
horribUUer, " awfuUy," M. I. 130 
Horti Maecenatiani, P. 1. 122 
humanitas (Ennius and Cicero), il. 

189n. ; 1. 298 ; u. 188 ; humanis- 

sime, I. 296 
liumanitus, P. il. 152 
hyaenae (ms for leones C^dAmbr. 

349), II. 110 ; I. 133 

lepbv offTovi' (Suetonius), II. 175 
imago « simile, I. 36 

illatenus (Apiileius), M. ii. 18 
imi>erandum, ad, for ordering, i.e., 

being ordered, li. 54 
ignominia, n. 181, 187 
implicisco (noted in marg.), F. i. 

impoene (Cato), il. 46 
imposivi (Cato), ii. 44 
impotentia, also plur., il. 255 
impraesentiarum (colloquial), M. i. 

impreasio, only here in this sense, 

P. I. 230 
incido with aoc. (late), n. 310 
incitator (first used), P. n. 67 
incubare, "to sit tight u];>on," i. 

158 ; with ace, P. n. 210 
incuria, also in plur., u. 255 
inconstantitu, M. I. 60 
indecoriua, P. n. 38 
induciae, sometimes sing., ii. 259 
indtulriositu, P. I. 4 
infamia, P. n. 180 f. 
infercire verba (Cicero), i. 40 
inferiae, never sing., n. 259 
infinitive with adj., obscurus tn- 

volvere, etc., P. ii. 48 ; dignus 

laudari, 1. 108 ; historic, P. i. 56 
infrequens a, P. l. 44 ; Infrequens 

amicus, P. n. 230 
inguem, marg. Cod. Vat. 65, for 

inguen (pern, from Lucilius, see 

Elussmann, p. 78), l. 246 
hilibatus, M. I. 82, 196 ; n. 112 
inlucukueot P. u. 126 
inomatiuSt P. n. 144 
inriderUitu, false reading (Mai), 

Nab. p. 142 iee n. 58, {6 
insupra (/), Nepos ? ii. 174 
insuper habere (Pronto first), P. i. 

10; n. 210 
intenditus, error for intenditur, P. 

n. 8 
intensiut, P. ll. 10 
interim, n. 184 

intematium, P. n. 174 (emendation) 
intro, legal expression, M. 1. 154 
introferre pedem (Marcus only), i. 

130 • 

invio, adv., P. n. 54 
invocattUt subst. P. n. 50 
ipsus, Cod. according to Brakman, 

P. I. 214 
irascort used passively with subj. 

hi nom., M. i. 210 



l<rxv6i, of Style, F. i. 104 
iubilatus, F. n. 142 
iubilo, M. I. 182 
iubilum. M. i. 180 
iugare (l^aeviiis), ii. 74 
iurgiosus (Apuleius), F. I. 206 
iussum (abl. lusBo), xnarg. Ck)d. 

Ambr, 817 ; I. 284 
iuxta interim, ii. 184 ; mecum, ii. 

172 ; quam, n. 176 

xaXos of boy athletes^. 24 
KtfMipt (or Kepaie) Homer II. ix. 
203, n. 175 

labo= labor, F. n. 6 

labrum and labium, i. 2 ; n. 102 ; 

for difference see Studemund in 

Fleckeisen, Ann. phU. 1868, p. 553 
Lai, abl. M. I. 32; cp. Theti 

Plaut. Epid. 5 
Latinius, more Latin, M. i. 128 
lavare, lavere, F. i. 8 
lectiones, authors, F. i. 122 : 

readings or quotations, F. n. 112 
lege sui, ii. 238 

leptwrgiui or lepturgatus (Cod. accord- 
ing to Hauler), F. n. 48 
levigare, F. n. 74 
Ubellus, a letter, F. l. 214 ; M. i. 

abator, F. n. 10 
libentissime (Cicero), M. i. 178 ; 

F. II. 118 
librarius, i. 212 ; n. 139 
lino, compounds of, F. i. 8 
litterator, a teacher, F. n. 124 
lac, no plur. n. 250 
loeuplettus, meaning of, ll. 120n. 
locus oonmiunis, i. 54 
longe longeque, U. 62 
longinque, see Brock, Studies in 

FrontOf p. 119, II. 49 
longiusculus, F. il. 38 
lueubraiiuncula (Qellius in another 

sense), M. i. 90 
lucus eloquentiae (marg. Cod. Ambr. 

373) II. 72 
ludiosus (ms Cod. Vat. 112, Hauler), 

M. I. 16n. 

luo, compounds of, F. l. 8 
lustrati ?«Quirites (Hauler) n. 110 
luteus (colour ?), l. 99n. ; 120, ii. 
266, 267 


maeulosior, F. n. 114 

magira, F. n. 4 

male mulcare, F. n. 92, 212 

malUiosissimtis, i. 3 

malum F. n. 50, 224 

manu culta, marg. Cod. Ambr. 76 

has ''puto dualem" as note on 

manu, I. 88 
mansito, F. I. 90 
manubiae (Cato), distinct from 

praeda, n. 44 
margaritum, marg. Cod. Ambr. 104 

says margaritum and margarita 

are found, and quotes Cic. in 

Verr, iv. 1, F. n. 96 
mare, abl. (Cod.) F. I. 222 
Masurianus, M. l. 144 
materceUa. marg. of Cod. Vat. 185, 

M. I. 182 
materia = vir69e(n(, i. 210; cla- 

mosa, M. i. 208 ; uber, ibid. ; 

avieavoi, I. 210 ; cruenta, 1. 18 
matronae, children, F. I. 244 
mediusfidius, M. i. 216 ; F. ll. 170 
mel. has plural, n. 259 
meliuscule, quoted from M. i. 204 
mensurae nostrae, of our calibre, 

F. n. 195 
merenda, M. i. 182 
merendus\ lauro, F. n. 142 
meridionalist, first here, F. li. 206 
fit<ro^t of style, 1. 104 
meteoria, M. i. 184 
mens, for mi, voc. M. i. 18, 174 ; 

Marcus also uses mi for mihi, 

possibly Fr. does also, see 

£lussmann, Excursus to his 

Emend. Fronton, pp. 73, 74 
minus multuB, F. ii. 134 
mu0rere, pardon mer, F. I. 82, 188 
missito, F. I. 58 
misti, marg. Ck)d. Ambr. 385, 

Hauler, for mire, Mai, ll. 78 
mittere^dare. F. i. 146 
modifieot. Cod. Vat. 152, F. i. 8 ; 

modiflcor, F. first, ll. 86 
moenla, always plural, ii. 255 
mole for molestiae, F. ii. 6 



tiiorRUS ventriB, F. I. 260 
inortaleA, different from homineB, 

II. 269 ff. 
fiovaji vwh iiiif, M. I. 142 
mucctUentiort M. l. 180 
mugiOp of persons, F. 1. 100 ; mugi- 

tns, II. 74 
inultifariam (Cod. muUifaria), ^. 

I. 104 
mutiio caruB. I. 236 ; II. 152. See 

under ServiuB 


naevolus (ApuleiuB), F. (flnt), I. 

namquls (Plant.), M. i. 8 
nanus (vavo^), a dwarf, li. 79 ; 

used of mules and small horses, 

navi abl. (also nave), F. I. 56 
neque . . . neque . . . ueque, F. l. 88 
nimls quam saepe, M. I. 216 
nos ceteri (nous autres), M. ll. 122 
nota delatoria, F. ll. 6 
novella vinea. F. ii. 2 
novella elocutio, F. ii. 8 
nox quae sequitur, <eam> 

quiescas, M. li. 32 
noxsit, F. I. 222 
nudiustertiantM, M. (first), I. 54 
nugalia, n. 12 ; and first by F. 
nundinae, always plur., F. ii. 259 
nuUumsnil (?word omitted), F. 

II. 190 


oboedire with ace. of cogn. mean- 
ing, F. U. 152 

obruza, F. n. 98 

obsecro, of prayer to gods, M. I. 
50; II. 42 

obtensusf, subst. C!od. Ambr. 299 ; 
for obtentus, li. 186 

occupare in, M. 1. 116 

obtemperanter, M. (first), 1. 194 

octaviautf for octavo idus, F. I. 172 

odeum, m* Cod. Ambr. 109 ; ii. 140 

offlcia, munera, negotia, ll. 54 f . 

olfaetorius (?), F. ii. 104 ; olfactoria 
means a bouquet, olfactorlum, 
the same or a smelling bottle 

omnes unlversl, F. ii. 146 

opera lusa (Plant.), l. 38 

opicus, M. I. 70, 71n. ; F. I. 124; 

M. I. 142 
opisthodomut, F. i. 160 
oppidatlm (Suetonius), F. ii. 200 
osculatio, I. 220 
OS linguae, ;i. 142 

palUolatlm, F. n. 104 
pannyehiut^t M. i. 68 
iropaXei^is, n. 40, 44 f, 
iropaiTTCtv, n. 68 

pastereula. M. l. 182 

patrltuB, F. II. 186 

pauculus, almost always for paucuB, 

pedetemptitu. M. i. 60 
pelluo = perluo, F. i. 8 
irtvTtfKovroitTCa, Ii. II. 196 
perantiquus (Cod. peranticus), F. 

1. 122 
pereensiOy F. li. 72 
perfrietiunetUat M. i. 180 
perfungor with ace. F. li. 154 
pergraecari. F. ll. 284n. 
perlculum fac (Terence), F. i. 286, 

perpauculus (only Cicero). M. i. 90 
perpetua oratlo, F. i. 70 ; il. 40 
pertenuisf, M. I. 202 
pervigilatio, only Cicero, F. n. 58 
philogtorgus, ^iX^rof>Yo«, first use, 

F. I. 280; M. II. 18; F. 154; 

atrropy^Tcpos, M. n. 285 
^iXon7<ria, M. I, 112 
phoenlceufl, ^i^t^, a colour, ii. 

263, 265 
p?umemat F. n. 74 
pififfuiculuSt F. I. 208 ; Sollnus has 

phrenttlB (Greek), li. 138 
plpulus, n. 120 

pltuitosus (Cicero only), M. i. 180 
plus, meaning of, U. 317, 319 
plaviinotaiue (?). F. n. 102n. 
pleno plenius, F. n. 182; ep. i. 

pleraque, adv. (first used), F. n. 10. 

plerique omnes, F. ii. 98 
plusculuB, M. 1. 150 
poeto (Cod. for poetor), M. i. 118 



iroAirvta (iroAtrui), F. I. 102 ; M. II. 

166 ^ 
n-oXAaxwf Xeye(r0at, II. 108 
poUuere ieiuniunn F. I. 144 
pompa, of style, i. 106n. 
pompaticus (Apul.), F. 1. 106 
portendier (Cod. Ambr. 222), ll. 26 
portisculus, F. II. 4 
portunium, F. i. 64 
possiet (Cod. Ambr. 166), i. 66 
potest for potest fieri, F. i. 14 
praeMpito, intr. F. i. 2 
praedltus with dat., M. i. 60: F. ll. 

praegnas, F. i. 182 
praaoleo, F. i. 96 
praequam (Cod. Ambr. 22), n. 26 
praeter-propter, ii. 273 f. 
praevarlcor, M. i. 90, 9d 
irpaytut f*rya, " a great gun," M. I. 

precibus precari, F. ii. 84 
profanare«=dedicare, il. 10 
prtmoribus labris, or labiis, F. I. 2; 

II. 102; digitis prim. n. 148; 

the nom. primor is not known 
prodormiot ? error for perdormio, 

I. 98, 180, 210 
promarinuSt so Ck)d. M. i. 60 
promulgator, F. il. 10 
promiscus (Gellius), il. 270 
propelli (marg. differs), u. 184 
propriuaf, adv. (emend, te potius), 

II. 98, 1. 9 

prothymia (Plautns), M. i. 112 

(marg. deleetatio) 
protelari, F. i. 62 
pruniUumt F. ii. 102 
pseudomenus, F. ii. 66 
publicum Africae, F. i. 282 
pugno, of style, F. u. 102 
pullulus, F. II. 120 
pulvis not always sing. li. 269 
pumllio, F. 1.279 
in;/>ir6AT)o-is (Artemidoms), li. 262 
irvpfi6i, II. 263 
pyinlcha, a danoe, F. i. 98 

quadrupedo(,CQd. quadripedo) euriu 
(first used) F. u. 102; and 
gnadrupedo alone as adv. i. 122 

quadrigae, ii. 266; Caesar on, 267 ; 
Fionto on, 269 ; in sing. u. 261 


querella, a " complaint " of the 

body, M. I. 262 
qui, for quis (Cod. Ambr. 356), i. 

quinquatrus, F. I. 210ft. 
Quis, for 8% Quis f ll. 138 
quis . . . qulsquam (Plautus), F. I. 

quod for quo and quod for quom 

frequent in the Codex 
quod for ex quo (?), I. 250 
qttoiquoif locative, L. ii. 196 
quoins (cuius), quoiusque, I. 60 


rapinatio, M. (peasant speech), M. 

I. 160 

raptim et furtim, M. ii. 28 
rebellio, late Latin in spurious 

letter = rebel, ii. 314 
recipio, intr. F. l. 58 ; M. 1. 178 
regressio (Apuleius), a retreat, F. 

u. 202 
relatio (Cod. emend, to delatio), F. 

II. 122 

relevatio (margin for elevatlo), F. 

relictissimua a laudlbus, F. I. 44 

respidens fortuna, F. ii. 106 

replico (Apul.), F. ll. 104 

reprehensibilis (vulgar), M. i. 68 

retetaclarti M. i. 32; Hauler in 
Wien Stud. 34 (1912), p. 266 
discusses this word, derived fron 
rete iaculum (Plant.) Servlua 
on Verg. Oeorg. i. 141 show» 
that the retiaculum was a cast- 
net. The verb la equivalent to 

revimerUutnt F. I. 40 

rhetorieotatus. Cod. mi, corrected by 
ms to rhetorico tota, F. I. 308 

rictus oscnli (?). F. l. 206 

ridicularius, adj. ((^telllus), F. i. 4 

rizatoriut, F. I. 206 

rogcUieius, F. ll. 136, in margin of 
Cod. rogatariu* 

ruber "^ 

rubidus pronto and Favorhius 
II. 263-267 




A A 


SftiM, F. XL 206 

tammtum, Hemican word, i. 176 

satin salvae (res), F. i. 208 

saxatlUs (Plaut.). n. 6 

schemata (trxniiara), n. 40, 77, 86, 

158 ; tee alto flguratio 
Bcriptus publicuB, F. li. 178 
secta (Fronto's), n. 36 
teeundum^ovx " after, " i.e. to 

get at, F. I. 66 
temiperitut, F. I. 
seUnla (Tacitus). F. l. 246 
servitutem servire, F. I. 8 
siet, F. u. 64 ; ep. possiet 
silex, pavement, I. 242 
simlli similius, F. n. Ml 
sipharum or sipparum (us), F. ii. 38 
siphunculuB, F. n. 108 
sinceris (Cod. Ambr. 886, Hauler), 

n. 78 
tirbena, F. n. 72 
sirint-siverint, F. ii. 64 
sodes, a vulgarism, F. ii. 60 
toiifundium^t read by Mai, Ambr. 

276, Naber, p. 202, is an error, 

n. 108 
tolUatimt ? Cod. Ambr. 406 
BOlox lana, F. il. 64 
sorites, F. I. 66 

spadix (Dorian word), n. 265, 260 
spector used eleven times, tee EJuss- 

mann. Emend. Fronton, p. 26 
spero, in parenthesis, ^. i. 88 
spina sacra, tee lepbv birrovv, ii. 174 
stagnumt, F. n. 86 
stemutatio (also Apuleius), M. 1. 180 
stragula sculpta (?), n. 04 
strepo with ace. (?) M. I. 50 
stroxa, M. 1. 106 
stmcte (first used), F. n. 40 
studeo with aoc. F. n. 102 
studio impenso, a favourite phrase 
ttudiolum, M. i. 178 
studiosus with dat., F. n. 66 
stndivi, M. i. 178 
tublimuut, F. n. 148 
subpingo, M. I. 150 
subsentator (Plant.), i. 136 
substrlngo, F. n. 8 
subvenire, come into the mind, F. 

(first), n. 202 
suclna, F. n. 144 
suoddaneum, F. L 86, 806 


super— concerning, Mith abl. F. i. 

tupervaeaneOt F. i. 10 
iusoenseo, constantly 
lutpendo, in this sense, M. i. 10 
symbolus, masc. F. n. 44 
tynonymum, ¥. il 76, 82 

tabellarlus, " postman," i. 00, etc. 

talarius Indus, F. n. 110 

tam for tamen (Cod.) ii. 130 

tardiuteule, M. i. 106 

taxo, Brakman for Cod. axo, n. 288 

Wx>^^if* F. I. 134 

tecum quaeso (Plant.), F. i. 260 

ted« for te ad, MfUIer, F. i. 222 

tegora. Cod. Ambr. 306, for te^ora. 

n. 58 
templa infera (Lucr.), n. 16 
TtivaXXtost I. 26 

teneo, to grasp in the mind, F. n. 20 
teneo=tendo, F. i. 102 
tinnulus, F. n. 102 
toltaarit, F. n. 102 
tolutim, F. I. 122 
torculus, M. I. 170 
tomare or etomare, to turA out. 

M. I. 18 • 
triffeminOt F. n. 52 
trigeminus, of Qeryon, F. L 11 
tristiculus, Cicero only, M. 1. 108 
triticum, no plural, n. 263 f. 
tristis, with dat.= angry, I. 220; 

n. 36, ep. I. 216 
triumviri, l. 253n 
trunca vox. F. n. 72 
tutor, passive, F. i. 46 
tsrannus^ usurper, late use In spur 

ious letter, n. 310 


uber, of style or a theme, M. i. 208 
ubiubi, M. l. 182 
vviatve, F. n. 250 
ulcusculum, F. l. 214 
unicolorus, F., first, n. 48 
ungui for ungi, F. n. 26. 56 
viroKpiv€aBat.f to declaim, I. 164, 

ep. 1. 167 
usque istuc (Cato), I. 46 


usquequaque ubique, F. i. 206 
ut . . . ntl, repeated, F. i. 290 
ut, when, F. n. 4 (Khiss. ubi), M. 
' I. 178 

ator and fungor with ace. object 
in gerundive, i. 164, see fungor 
utriculus, M. 11. 38 

vadus (Varro) masc. F. i. 222 
variatio (witli Livy only), i. 42 
velle quam for malle, M. i. 214, 216 
venor verba (Turpilius), M. 1. 19 
ventio. Plant, only, M. 1. 154 
vera res, for Veritas, F. ii. 176 
verecundia officii imperiosa, ii. 18 
verba dare alicui, F. I. 2 
verbal forms : 2nd pers. sing., 
Pres. Ind. Conj. ; Imp. Ind.. Imp. 
Ck)nj., Fut. Indie, in fe only 
Marcus, 3rd pers. plur. Perf. 
Indie, in ere never used by 
Marcus : see Klussmann, Emend, 
Ftxmton.t pp. 76, 77 
veriloquus (first used), M. 1. 16 
versicolor, F. (first), il. 45 

vesperi M. n. 222, elsewhere always 

vespera except In Afitoninum^ v, 
, at enim vesperi in triduum mit- 

tarn, Charisius, An Oramm. ii. 223 
vetusculus (first used), F. n. 76 
vexo, of one who is carried in a 

carriage and hurried and worried 

(see Gell. n. 6, 5), n. 82 
viduum, ? for biduum, M. 1. 102 
vietus, F. n. 138 

vigil, curtailed for vigUiae, F. U. 6 
vigiliam vigilare, F. n. 210 
vir bonus dicendi peritus (C&io 

and Quint.), il. 134 
vocula, F. I. 76 
volentia, bona (Apui.) for benl- 

volentia, F. (first), n. 240 
volup, for voluptas, F. n. 6 
poluptativus, marg. Ck>d. Ambr. 89, 

II. 166 

xeuia. F. I. 267, 275 
xenodator f I. 282n. 
|av0<$9 (Favorinus), ll. 263 
VfXon/irw, M. I. 216 

A A 2 



acoettion, annlvenary of ?*&. r. 

Acta Senatus, 1. 110 

actora» IL 8, 17, 67, 69. 106, 108, 
216; mantles used by, L lX)fi; 
Hero and Leander, I. 222 ; mask 
of, n. 6d ; gestures of, n. 189 ; at 
Antioch, n. 149 ; sent for to 
Sjrria by Trajan and Lucius, n. 
216. See also under stage 

affecUoD, want of family, m Rome, 
n. 164 ; ep. U. 18 

adjournment in law cases. 1. 159 

age of exemption from duties 55, 
n. 185 

alder, l. 89 

alimentary institutions, n. 99 

alltteration (tee aUo Ehrenthal, 
FronUmianae Quaett.pip. 86ff and 
Brock, Studies in Pronto, 144- 
146) ; barbarism and bleating, F. 
I. 186 ; bleating and fleeting, M. 
I. 161 ; acidos acinos, paasas 
puberes, M. i. 177 ; aerumnae 
adoreae. terrores trlumphi, F. n. 
20 ; cadendo caedendo, F. ii. 26 ; 
cyonum ooges cantione comicum, 
F. n. 46 ; amburens in abeun, F. 
n. 90 ; amor iugls et iucundus, F. 
I. 86 ; peragrare pervenlre, F. n. 
188; verbi vitium, F. n. 266; 
impenso et propenso, F. i. 110 ; 
neque poisum neque mensum, F. 
n. 224 : intentum et infestum et 
instructum, n. 204; profectus 

ftrovectus, i. 161 ; idlit. of «, n. 
20, n. 9, 10 ; of p, I. 60. line 6 ; 
of i, I. 118 ; of V, II. 236 ; fortia 
facinora fecimus, M. i. 178 ; 
puri perpetui, grati gratuiti, F. 
I. 86 ; laoerati laoessiti. F. 1. 102 ; 
funduntur fugantur, M. i. 94 F. 
n. 186 ; opimus optimus, F. n. 


8 ; vis verbi ac venustas, F. I. 6 ; 

dedicavi despondi delegavi,. M. 

I. 163 ; odorls roboris, F. i. 89 ; 

woMoyrts wmpofipiotfTt^ F. L 22; 

n'oXAa nXAouctc iropa irXcurrtai' 

iiefir6fi«ya ov irpcunjicaTO, F. L 

272 ; also from Laberius, i. 166 ; 

Flautus, II. 6, 24, CaecUius,. i. 

142, Pacuvius, IL 266. Bnnins, 

I. 76 ; aspiratiODibus rationibus, 

F. II. 28 ; tubae tlblatum, F. I. 

52 ; impuojBns impudica» P. ibid. ; 

pensis parem propositis, n. 204 ; 

te tutum i&tns in tranquillo sinu 

tutatur, F. l. 36 
alumni Variani, n. 98 
amanuensis, Q. 73 
amber, rubbing, of,. H. 106 
ambition, tile liut infirmity of noble 

mind, n. 62 
anagnostes, i. 228 ; n. 5n. 
anger, I. 269 
analogy, Caesar's books on, n. 20, 

annihilation at death, n. 229 
annuity, n. 99 
antithesis, Sallust, n. 168. For 

Fronto's antitheses tee Schwier- 

czina, Frontoniana, p. 16f». 
ants, I. 49 
apoplexy, n. 83 
appeal, right of (poet in Gellius), 

n. 267 
archaism, n. 77, 79 ; Hadrian's 

spurious, n. 139 
Argonauts, n. 106 
arguing pro and con, Marcus objects 

arguznentum ad hominem, i. 178 
armour of inferior make, n. 149 
arrows of Parthlans, n. 206 
arts, superficial knowledge of. I. 3 ; 
noble, n. 188, 191, 224, 248, 244, 
246; works of art by various 
artists, IL 49 ; 1.186 


assemblies of sodls, n. 227 
asyndeton, Inepta iniqua, F. n. 

100; fundmtnr faflmnr, H. i. 

M; oidtatftior iwraecfciXNr, F. i. 

112 ; scabies porrigo, F. i. 226 ; 

irasoor, tristis sum, ^KarvvM 

cibo txveo, M. I. 216 ; ostendere, 

deflnire, explanare, F. n. 67 
AteHne hunes, I. 40, lt)6, 139, 304 ; 

teS'MUn libeit, de Syntaxi Fron- 

Um. p. 41 
AttidsiB, 1. 91 
«adlt of Accoonts by emperor, i. 

angniABB, I. 141 
A«s«0tii, title of Faustina minor, i. 

Anrella regio, 1. 176 ; AweUa -via, i. 



baxAdbone, Up»v o<rrovM, n. 174 
ball-nlay, i. 99 ; l. 277 
bamboo and reed, ii. 180 
bsnouete, public, h. 178 ; dress for, 

n. 250 
batbs, I. 90, 221, 243, 24«, 250, n. 4, 

6, 67, 127 
beauty, liow valned by lovers and 

non-iovers, l. 29 
begning Uie qnestkm, i. 271 
btroB, Bong of, n. 78 ; perang birds, 

a. 178 
birthdasrs, i. 51 
blood-letttng, n. 85 
boar^rantlng, i. 179 
bows rendered useless by wet, ii. 

box tree. i. 249 

bvBBd, black and wtilte, n. 121 
brignds fai Asia Minor, i. 287 
brcMlier, a complimentary title, ii. 

191, 241 
buffoons, proverb of, l. 98; Pius 

amnsed by* n. 8 
Inffletin. false, n. 189 
bvrial m caraivorons animals, i. 

bosts of pattricians in old days, i. 

119 ; Ccto's, n. 161 ; of Hasrcus, 

f. 207 

CaeUan MU, i. 148 

Oampus (Hartitis), ll. 126 

canal of Tiber, m' in God., n. ItO 

Capitol, I. SI 

eapons, n. 7 

Caesar-speech, i. 19 

cedars, l. 89 

Censor, shuts up gaming bousea, n. 

Cerberas, n. 14 

changeling, n. 139 

charioteer and spectators, il. 7 

children (ius liberorum), i. 237 

choice (irpoaipco-is) of wise man, 
n. 61 

Christians, n. 283 f , 204n ; apocry- 
phal letters, n. 299 ff. 302 ff. 

Ciceronian lEftyle, i. Ill, 128, n. 

Gireiis, I. Ill, 1)09, n. 147> '217 ; 
annona et circenses, ii. 2t6 

cleaieDcy^ n. 819 

clouds as goddesses, i. 44. 

codex, tMrd wrltbig on, i. 72ii. 

codicils to will, li. 96 ; a <x>dicU11s, 
H. "96 

coinlftg words, n. 115 

coins of lead and adulterated, n. 54, 

cold in M.'s bedroom, i. 66 

colours, II. 263 ff, red and ^reen, 
iMd. ; terms for, in Oreek and 
Latin, ibid. 

comedies, i. 107 

comitium, n. 43, 65 

conimonpiaces, i. 29, 55; see also 
Schwierczina, Frontonianm for 
F.'s use of fables and mythologi- 
cal stories as oratorical common- 
places, p. 19 

comparative degrees, when admis- 
sible, II. 183 

concord ammig friends promoted 
by M. I. 73 

congiarium, il. 47 ; => U\e com-dcrie, 
n. 216 

consilium, l. 287 

constitution, i.e. legal enactment or 
decision, n. 181 

conspicuous by absence, ii. 8n. 

Constd, unidentlfled, i. 189 ; AoiUus 
Glabrlo slew a Iton in the amphi- 
theatre, I. 211». 


oonBompUon, air of Cirta good for, 

I. 281 
oonyeatloiu in speeoh, l 101 
oooki honoured with statoeB, n. 5 
copyists of M3S. 1. 167 
com sapply. n. 170, 216 
corrector of Codex, I. 131, 174n., 

n. 218a. 
country house or villa, I. 176. See 

cruciftxion, ll. 27 
curriculum for oratory, li. 82 

dancing, u. 105 ; Pyrrhic, i. 99 ; 

with cymbals, n. Ill ; not 

reputable for women (Sallust), 

n. 169 
day and night, fable of, n. 13 if. 
dead, look of the, n. 227 
death. ll. 227 : early death, ibid. 
Deceit, a goddess, i. 15 L 
decurions, tee Municipal Senators 
deputation of Municipal Senate, ii. 

destiny, n. 225 
dialecticians, ii. 07, 71, 79, 83 
diarrhoea, I. 203 

dictating letters, i. 185, 248, il. 44 
dilemmas, n. 67 
dithyrambs, n. 07 
diminutives (46 F, 26 M.) See fur 

list Schwierczina, Frontoniana, 

p. 157 
divorce, li. 183 
docked words, il. 7 
dog in Christian banquets, ll. 283 
dole (annona), ii. 216. See oon- 

dolphin, I. 27, 57, 59 ; as swimmer, 

II. 67 
door-keeper, P. 271 
Dorian word (spadix), ii. 265 
dreams, i. 51, li. 17 ; Agamemnon's, 

I. 95 ; Ennius', ibid. ; daughter 

of Polycrates', ii. 27 
dropsy, heated sand as cure, ii. 253 
drunglu, barbarian word for stan- 
dards or troops, ll. 301 n. 
dust, praise of, l. 44 


eagles, flight of, n. 67 

ears tingle when otiiers speak of us. 
I. 114 

earthquake, n. 41, 69 

eating varies with di£ferent pro- 
fessions, n. 59 ; lawyers' wives 
great eaters, i. 145 ; Hadrian as 
gourmand, n. 8 ; Numa, n. 11 

elephants, i. 163, u. 217 

eloquence, oratory, rhetoric, the 
art of words : words, their choice 
and arrangement, i. 3 ; common 
ones preferable to unusual, if 
equally significant, i. 7 ; common 
and old words, 11. 80 ; to be 
hunted out, l. 5, 7, n. 27, 261 ; 
choiceness of, in si>ecial authors, 

I. 5 ; Cicero's use of, I. 7 ; im- 
exi>ected words, i. 7 ; unusual 
when to be used, i. 7 ; difference 
in, by alteration of one letter, i. 
7 : order important, i. 11 : far- 
fetched ouM never used by 
Marcus, l. 53 ; kinds of words, i. 
105 ; choice words, n. 51 ; 
doubled, trebled, etc., n. 53 ; 
mean and slovenly, n. 107, 281 ; 
rhythmical and fluent, n. 105, 

' 107 ; jingling, n. 103 ; absurd to 
coin words, i. 219, n. 115 ; old, 
often discoloured like coins, n. 
115; adparatus verborum, i. 
288 ; verba suo suco Imbuta, u. 
112 ; current words to be used, 

II. 113 : orators, supreme excel- 
lence of, I. 121 ; must not speak 
down to their audience, i. 121 ; 
boldness required, I. 11, 15, 119, 
II. 39 ; first rate and second rate, 
II. 43 ; oratorical art of Chrysip- 
pus, II. 69 

Eloquence, ruler of the human 
race, ll. 137, 139; delight of 
gods, II. 65 ; art of, I. 40 ff . 
II. 75, 83 ; powers of, II. 77, 
137, 139 ; of Orpheus, I. 71 ; 
Caesar's eloquence, i. 53, ll. 136 ; 
different purposes of, in a Caesar, 
II. 59 ; the highest (ace. to Cicero)- 
II. 144 ; praise of, n. 67 ; par- 
titiones oratlonum, u. 88 ; exorf 
dlum, u. 91 ; technical terms o, 
in Greek, n. 69, cp. 75; holds 


like B 

the most hoaouNd place 

F.'s eyes. i. 2S1 ; ' '"■ 

kingdom, be passeu uu, ii. 111 
the inoet eloquent epeecti ol all 
n. 31 : tragedlea useful In, 1. 107 
dlBerenee of style In forensic ant 
other speediAS. I. tl ; verloui 
styles of, 1. 103 ; oratory a help h 
verse viithiK, i. 107 ; oratonca 
iDBlncerltJee, 1. 101 ; use 
maxims In, r. lOl ; moderaiitt o 
oratory compared to facilitate! 

Falcldlaa law. □. SM. 
F^emian wine, n. 7, 61 
fallacies, it. 07 
fame, love ol, n. 32 
farces, 1. 107 
laaUng aa a cure, I. 336, 

B, n. 65 f., 75, 7H (dialect 
, philosophy supplies 

,™ Bah, strength of, in their t^lB, U. 23 
fishing, U. a 

n flattery, 1. 137 

td flower market, i. fl* 

its flower that turns lo Sun, i. 29 

If: flute players, u. 9, 17 

ao'. fly, pertfcaefty of. 1. 26 

forehead, touchh«ij as sign of 

„a amity, 11. 239 

* forglvenoBB, 9ee pardon 

iT  Fortune. I 169 : temples to, L 89 : 

"nJ of AnUiim FraeneSw ani of alt 

n( sorte and kinds, n. 105 ; (ortmiB, 

■nd I- 39 ; thtags in power ol, not to be 

ifl valued, n. 01 ; plnguie lortuna. 

°°nr'2™''of the Uvlng, a. 2o' 
Trajan's envy of his geiietala. 

Bpanaphora (Cicero), n, 159 

eierolse, n. 41 
Bitracta from writera, I. 
139; EnnlDS. I. 303 ; < 


i, 163 ; ol Tralan 

n. 7B ; a sharing of Joys and 
oge in Alslan marsbee, n. G ; as 
illnees does not admit ol compail- 
funeral, a pubUc, for Matldla, n. 97 

}lxaro annoutea, i. juu . ami 
. son. ; Vanll, ibid. ; Terenc 
lOn.: Moflik M. 1. 1 
Idplo'a gpeeebea, ». 1. 139 
M, oaimwlilnB, H- 109 


gargling, i. 180 

Oardens of Maecenas, i. 125 ; 

Fronto's, I. 209 
generosity, i. 297 
geometers, i. 135 
gifts, exchange of, l. 279 
glory, love of, ii. 62 
Gods everywhere, I. 53, we must 

have faith in, i. 247 ; of dreams, 

mysteries and oracles, i. 51 ; of 

the roads and scm, I. 51 
golden age, the, i. 47 
gong (discus), for dinner, 1. 183 
goodness, ii. 188 
gnome (yiw/xT)), He maxim 
Oraecianized soldiers, n. 807 
grammarian, friend of F. ii. 281 ; 

unnamed, n. 275 
grapes, Marsian or Massic, of 

Gauran mount, of Slgnia, i. 177 ; 

eaten by babies, ii. 173 
Greek, Marcus' writing in, i. 19; 

Fronto, i. 128 ; Greelc letters, i. 

20, 130, 14d, 160, 264, 268, 286 
greethig (salutemX n. 239, and of 

course passim 
grove on Cayitol, i. 51 ; sacred 

groves, n. 87 
guild of Bacchus at Smyrna, ll. 295 
gutter, children of, n. 94 
gynma^um, i. 28, 76 

hom-dflemma, n. 67 

hOTses, neighing of, decided Pendan 

empire, n. 141 
horti Maeoenatiani, i. 122 ; F.'a 

horti and villas, I. 177, 218, S99. 

II. 87, 193 
hot springs and grottoes of Balae, 

hyenas, 1. 133 : ms Cod. for ttons, ii. 

hunting in vtvarium, i. 178 ; boars, 

I. 179 

Ionian Sea, I. 34 

immortality, no consolation, u. 

227 ; doubtful, ll. 229 
mperator, when Marcus first given 

the title, l. 81 
incest attributed to Christians, n. 

infamy and ignominy, n. 181, 1€7 
informer's brand, n. 7, 161 
injuries to be passed over, i. 69, 

n. 215 
insincerity, Homer's teertimony 

against, i. 149 ; Marcus diriSkes 

conventional insincerities, i. 101 
irony of Socrates, i. 103 
Italian origins, Cato's, li. 201 


halcyon, ii. 7 

hair plucked from their bodies by 
soldiers, ll. 149 

hand-shaking, n. 239 

harpers on one note, n. 107 

healing, gods of, I. 51 

heap-fallacy, n. 67 

heat, suspended, 1. 13 

hendecasyllable by Marcus, i. 118 

hexameters by M. 1. 125, 1129 

Hemican word, l. 175 

Hero and Leander, i. 223 

herring-roe, I. 182 

history, Marcus writing, -i. 1 ; liis- 
torians' lies last, n. 201 ; how 
to be written, ii. 142 

holidays at Alsium, n. 3 

holm-oak, n. 81 

honour (fides) the first considera- 
tion, I. 71 

Jews, I. 144 

judges and assessors, I. 215 f. 

kissing, l. 146, 204, 208, 221, 229, 

230, 232, 244, 299, n. 239 
knight's census, i. 8 
knowledge, superficial, i. 3 

labyrinth of Ulysses, i. 93 

last infirmity of nobde mind, H. 63 

laughter, i. 151 ; biding the lips in, 

Lares and Penates, n. 226 




laws, sometimes sleep, I. 217 ; old 
law of fines, n. 125 ; law courts, 
whole days in, l. 65, 163, 181 ; 
testhnonialB to diaractear in, i. 
265 ; fldverity on the bench, ii. 
197 ; Judges, l. 215, il. 97 ; acta 
eoipiitionum, ll. 92 ; Hadrian in 
Ck>urt, II. 250 ; trial, ll. 18 ; legal 
business, ii. 153 

lawyers' wives great eaters, i. 147 

laytaic down office, etiquette of, i. 
147 ; an old law, n. 180, n. 24 

egal terms, testimonium denun- 
tiare, F. i. IdO ; in indicio pareas, 
F. i. 206 ; in integrum Tedigi, i. 
244 ; papiimcavisse, li. 12 ; intfro., 

I. 154 ; "Be fraudi sit, ll. 86 ; dela- 
torivs, I. 208, u.'% ; demonatratio, 

II. 12 ; in solutnm dependere, i. 
244 ; sefi also -Schwierczina, Fron- 
Umiatuit Amp. II. 

legions, deeima fuiminatriXf Ii. 
301n. ; prima and deeima, II. 302 

letters dictated, 1. 185 ; took long to 
reach &yria, ii. 117; agreement 
of Lucius with Fronto as to, ii. 
117, cp. I. 184 

lev^ at court, I. 87 

liar syUo|0sm, ii. 67 

libraries at Rome, in Apollo's 
temple, in Tiberius' palace, i. 170 

likenesses erf Marcus, i. 207 

•linen books, 1. 175 

Itons, I. 48, 119, 163, 211 ; to do 
woi^ for men, n. Ill 

logic of dialectics, n. 83 

love,.cbarm8, i. 23, 106; different 
«ortB of, I. 29 f . ; cause of cessa- 
tion, II. 195; love rational and 
fortuitous, I. 89 ; love and silence 
(?>), H. 201 ; love and fame, ii. 

loven and theu* darlings, i. 21 ff. 
n. 43 ; disgrace of this relation- 
ship, I. 25, 27 

lyre, ii. 141 


maenads, cliaplets of vine, u. 85 
magistracy, how to lay do¥m, 1. 147 
mafl-clad troops of Parthia, li. 218 
manuscripts of Ennius, I. 89 ; of old 
writers, i. 167 ; of Cicero, i. 809 
marigold, turns to sun, I. 29 

masters, vana et tftc^da tnrba, n. 

materia (vn&9t<rti), I. 104. See also 
under theme 

maxims, i. 13 ; for each day, i. 55 ; 
by Fronto, ii. 214, 11. 6, 7 : i 2, 
1. 5 ; I. 42, 1. 21, I. 164, 11. 20, 21 ; 
I. 200, U. 13, 14 ; Intr. xxxvi. ; 
and see Brock, Studies in FrorUOy 
p. 119. Fr. says he was largely 
taught by the method of maxims, 

I. 14 

memoranda of war, II. 194, 198, 234 
metaphor (see also under simile), 

n. 87 ; bend to oars, i. 107 ; 

torches, ii. 217 ; military, n. 64 ; 

naval, ll. 38 ; lora, I. 16 ; n. -82 

(Sallust); crowbars to words, I. 

1 1 ; midwife, ii. 70 ; and pasmm 
might and right, n. 110 
military career, books a training for, 

II. 147 

milk, a remedy for chfldren, n. 48 

mimes, i. 305 ; represent various 
characters with the same mantle 
II. 106 : Pylades, l. 306 

mind against body, i. 187 

miraculous victory, the, li. 303 

mists as goddesses, i. 44 

mole on cheek, n. 43 

moumhig at funerals, 1. 160 

mule of eloquence, n. 141 

municipal senators (decuriones), 
law as to, n. 177 ff. ; payments 
by, n. 179, 188, 187 ; priviteges 
of, Und. ; duties of, ii. 183 

mjrrtles and bays, l. 49, 89 

mysteries, i. 61, ii. 297 f. 


nature the mother of invention, n. 

notiMraV affection, I. 281. See also 

under philostorgus 
necklace of pearls, ii. 94 
negUgoice, praise of, i. 47 
neighing of horses decided sucoes- 

sion to Persian monarchy, n. 141 
neuritis, li. 89. See also under 

new year celebration, i. 229, 231 



NUe fountaliis, L 01 

nomadB, L 287 (libyanB); n. 203 

(? SoythlAiiB) 
noUif, public, n. 177 
nngalla, and mleB for writing, I. 

41 ff. 
nune, n. 43, 116, 126 
nymplis, diaplete of ytae for, n. 86 


oak-tree, i. 89 ; holm-oak, n. 84 

oiL anointing with, n. 67 

old age, n. 186, 187 ; a twilight^ n. 

olives, how eaten, n. 103; leaf 
called flavus by Vergil, n. 267 

Olympia, l. 27 

onion (Laberius), 1. 142 

oracles, ambiguous, i. 17, 61 ; of 
the Sibyl, l. 91 

orators of old, i. 107 ; scarcely 300 
since foundation of Bome, n. 147 

oratory, styles of, 1. 106 

orthography : I have not thought it 
necessary to give the inconsistent 
spelling of the Ck)dex. (repraeaen- 
tavi, I. 228, also caenae for cenae, 
I. 306, is a misprint). Naber has 
treated the matter fully in his 
edition, pp. 277-282, and see 
Weissbrodt in the Braunsberg Ind. 
led. 1872, 18. The interchange 
of b and v, whidi occurs very 
often, was a peculiarity of 
African Latin, «e6 Brock, Studies 
in Fronto, p. 178, and so possiNy 
the Codex in this respect may be 
faithful to Fronto's ori^al 
spelUng. We find vdua for 
belua, brebis for brevia, valneo for 
balneo, benia for venia, viduo for 
biduOy cioi for ciM, vibo for vivo, 
and many others. The aspirate 
is most capriciously used : Ora- 
tius occurs and narenat umor 
and Hammo (Ammon), aaue and 
even hii 

ovilia, the voting pens in the Cam- 
pus Martins, n. 113 

oxymoron ; esuriales feriae, n. 10 ; 
velocia stativa, 1. 168 

I>aean, n. 67 

palaestro, 1.22, see (mUo allpta 

Palatini (m* Cod. Ambr. 349). 
inhabitaats of old M. Palatinus 
at Rome ; Palatium, i. 120, 294, 
n. 279 

palladium, n. 64 

palm (Laberius), i. 42 

I»ainter of a horse, n. 161 ; painting. 
I. 136, n. 49, 69 

pan-pipes, n. 73 

parafeipsis, n. 40, 46 

pardon is man's peculiar privilege, 
n. 117. See alio under wrongs 

paronomasia, n. 168 (Sallust) 

patricians, want of natural affec- 
tion«in, n. 286 

partridges, i. 239, n. 172 

patrons of states, i. 293 

pearl necklace, n. 96 

people, influence in State, i. 121, 
n. 217 

philosophy, discipline of, i. 2 ; 
where suitable, i. 33 ; Marcus 
turns to, I. 217 ; precepts of, n. 
28 ; philosophy and eloquence, i. 
288, n. 55 ff . : irony of philoso- 
phers, 1. 101 ; they do not always 
agree, n. 62 ; difference of style 
among, n. 49 : must not covet 
things out of their power, n. 61 ; 
do not always practise what they 
preach, i.*63 ; mantle of, n. 65 ; 
philosophy supplies thoughts, 
eloquence words, n. 71 ; may lead 
to a perverse decision, n. 99 ; a 
hit at philosophers, n. 277 ; 
miriflci homines, n. 88; experi- 
ence set above philosophy, i. 
168 f. 

pictures of the Parthian war, n. 

pine tree, i. 49, 89 

pirates, l. 67 

pitch, contact with, defiles, i. 65 

plains, horror of, n. 77 

pleasures linked to pains, i. 187 

ploughs and the Agrigentines, ii. 

poems, old, I. 6 ; poet unnamed, ii. 

pomp of F.'s style,.!. 106, Intr. x. 

Pomptine plain, n. 77 



postL the imperial, i. 159 
pot-nerb, in a golden dish, i. 

presents between friends, i. 267 
private and public usages compared, 

processions^ n. 217 
proclamation at the Games, i. Ill 
procurators, I. 203, 239 
property valuation, I. 277 
prophecies, n. 67, 165 ; children of 

prophets, L 23 
prosperity too great, n. 23 ft. 
proverbs, tee i. 43, axe of Tenedos, 

I. 19 ; with tips of lips, i. 2, n. 

102 ; open the eyes, I. 80 ; a 

man we can play odd and even 

with in the dark (Cicero too), 

I. 99 ; against the stream, ii. 47 ; 
domestica testimonia, i. 100 ; 
eit UvfipaCuty Kt^taXfiv, I. 124 ; 
amici mores noveris non oderis 
(scurrarum proverbium), i. 131: 
Ti eiri T^ ^ojcfi fivpov (Varro and 
Cicero), n. 273 ; roiJ avrov naC^ttv 
Koi <nrov3d^eiv, II. 92 ; ante 
gestum post relatum (Cicero too), 

II. 122; rostro supino, ll. 122, 
touching pitch, i. 64 ; neque 
arae neque foci nee viae, quod 
volgo aiunt. . . . usurpantur, F. 
I. 114; facilis ad lubrica lapsus, 
I. 112; e^ oiKov e$ oTkoi' (Appian), 
I. 268 

Providence, n. 225 

provinces, lots for, i. 237 

PrytiEtneum, i. 270 

puns and assonance (see also alliter- 
ation), on name Verus ? F. i. 62, 
241 ; lugum, F. n. 26 ; Venetus 
venierit, F. u. 90 ; lesere, M. i. 
76 ; caput capita, M. i. 130 ; 
valeo, M. I. 54; providence, ii. 
225 ; volpem. . . voluptatem, F. 
n. 6 ; gravatius . . . gratius, F. 
n. 204 ; suavis . . . saviata, F. 
I. 232 ; oris atque orationis, F. n. 
238; videri, F. n. 12: adversis 
avertamur, F. n. 226; virum 
. . . verum, F. i. 62 ; decessero 
. . . defeoero, M. i. 112 ; in 
spurious letters, Avidius . . . 
avidus, Verus . . . verum, n. 
308. 314, tee also p. 292 

pyrrhic reel, I. 99 

quaestor of Fronto (? his brother), 

I. 115 
quails, their flight, n. 67 
Quindecimvirs and sacred books, 

n. 135 


races in the stadium, i. 149 

reason, no temple to, I. 89 ; com- 
pared with Fortune, Und. ; reason 
and intuition (impetus), l. 89 

recommendations and teistimonials 
to friends, I. 285 

redness of fire, blood, shell fish, 
saffron, gold, U. 263 

reeds, ii. 181 

relegatio, n. 181 

reli^ous town (Anagnik), 1. 175 

rescripts, l. 220, ? l. 304 

revolution welcome to poor and 
needy (Sallust), n. 169 

rheumatism, Fronto's, n. 153, and 
see imder Fronta. 

rhythm (prose) in Fronto's sen- 
tences, I 102, last two lines ; 
164, U. 20, 21 ; 222, U. 19, 20 ; 
302, 11. 8, 9, ; n. 134, last line ; 
136, first Une, n. 62, lines 15, 
16. See also Brock, Studies in 
Fronto, p. 143 

ring of Polycrates, n. 25 

rings of knights at Cannae, n. 29 

Roman defeats, ii. 21, 23 

rostrum, u. 43, 65 

rowers, time given to, n. 5, n. 39 

rowing(?), taken from Nature, n. 201 

rudders, Fortunes represented with, 
n. 105 ; the helm of State, n. 250 

rustic chaff, i. 163 ; talk, I. 151 

rusticatio yLtra. iroAireias, n. 156 

Sabine women, rape of, u. 11 
sacrificing. l. 27, 45, 181, n. 16r> 

(Sallust) ; thank offering and 

sin offering, i. 23 
salutation, morning and evening, ii. 

saffron water sprinkled in theatre, 

n. 65 
schemata, il. 40, 86, n. 77, 158 





Bchool, Fionto's, I. 130 ; his seoU, 
n. 36 

■oorplon la bed, i. 107 

scytiiM of Daclans, xi. 204 

Bea, I. 27 

seaside resort, ii. 1 

Senate, decision in, I. 173 ; sittinit 
of, I. 133, 189, II. 123 ; M. aslced 
his opinion in, i. 8 ; Journals of, 
I. Ill ; his speech in, I. 189 

sewer, coins in, n. 105 

shepherds, adventure with, i. 151 

Bhrme. deserted, i. 45 ; township full 
of snrines, i. 175 

shell-flsh, II. 7 

Sibyl, I. 91 

siesta, n. 5 

similes uid thebr use, I. 35, 37, 39, 
130 if., 205 ; fever and exercise, 
I. 23 ; fountains and rivers, 
I. 23 ; flies and gnats, I. 25 ; 
robes, i. 40, 121 ; n. 53 ; priest 
and farmer, i. 45 ; growth of 
trees, i. 49 ; clarion and pipes, 
I. 53 ; ants and spiders, I. 48 ; 
hot springs, i. 87 ; saffron scents 
from a distance, I. 97 ; Pyrrhic 
reel, I. 99 ; a farmer, M. i. 117 ; 
speed of horses, l. 123 ; li. 103 ; 
hyena, snakes, spears and 
arrows, ships, lines, i. 133 ; 
fowls, II. 141 ; midwife, il. 141 ; 
pfdnting, ii. 101 ; oi^o? \vpa^^ 
n. 141n. ; Orpheus, ii. 145 ; 
lalysuB picture, i. 135 ; lame 
Hephaestus, i. 135 ; bleating, 

I. 137 ; race in stadium, i. 149 ; 
flowers and garlands, i. 165 ; 
n. 125, 185 ; pot herbs in golden 
dish, I. 165 : dreams, i. 205 ; 
animals and ihelr young, i. 259 ; 
bow, n. 9 ; winking, n. 9 ; 
gardens and manure, n. 9 ; bulls, 

II. 27 ; parents and children, 
n. 37 ; leather bottle, M. n. 39 ; 
rowing and sailing, ii. 39 ; 
hospitaUty, n. 51 ; banquet, 
II. 50, 53 ; recruiting, n. 55 ; 
coinage, ii. 55, 113 ; women's 
hair, n. 61 ; poultice, n. 63 ; 
swimming and flying, n. / 67 ; 
swords, II. 69 ; light (? Sallust), 
II. 97; wind and sun, n. 123, 
127 ; helmets, n. 137 ; pipes, 
II. 139; lightning, ii. 183; 

journey, VL 186; harvieBt 4um1 
yintage, n. 186; torches, a. 
185; cavalry and warshtps, i. 
181 ; fire fanned by breeze, u. 
199; tall trees and wind. n. 
215 ; spinning, n* 226 ; in- 
spection of victlBia, n. SMI : 
hebnaman, n. 21^ ; iaUiid 
Aenarla, l. 86, 89; sm niuo 
Beltrami, Xa tendMce Mtarorie 
. . . da firontow, p. 39 

slang," horribiliter,'^ M. i. 180 r 
? plnguls, F. (a " fat " foriame), 
n. 227 

slave, fugitive, i. Ill: emanci- 
pated in arena, i. 119; pnesent 
of two slaves, i. 264 

sleep, argument against, i. 91 ; in 
quarrel of day and Bight, n. 13 ; 
begotten by Jove, n. 17 ; death's 
counterfeit, I. 97 ; Jastrnctor of 
Ennius, n. 67 ; Marcus and 
sleep, see under Marcus. 

smoke, praise of, i. 44; of one's 
fatherland, i. 95, 192 ; and 
watery eyes, i. 87 

snakes, 1. 133 ; and lizards and the 
Marsl, n. 23 

soldiers, demoralised in Syria, 
n. 149, 207 (Trajan), 209; in 
Jugurthine war (Sallust), n. 165 
could not vault on horses^ n. 149 
spears feebly thrown by, n. 149 
seasoned by small battles, n 
149; sloth fatal to, n. 209 
dandy ways of Syrian soldiers of 
gaucherie of Pannonians, n. 
211 ; disotoUne and duty of 
general, n. 211 

son, a complimentary title, i. 308 

sovranty, dependent on eloquence, 
u. 119 

soporific juice, n. 17 

speech, insincerities of, i. 101 ; 
forensic, etc., i. 41 ; useful for 
generals in the field, n. 81 

spiders, i. 48 

spolia opima, il. 10 

stage, sham lances of, n. 109 ; see 
also under actors 

stammering, n. 73, 109 

statues of Axion at Taenarus, i. 59 ; 
of Gato, II. 3, 201 

style, different In aart and philosophy 


8UQva(AiiiUift» n. 10 

superstition, i. 144 

Bwan-Bong^ n. 47 ; swan, ii. 105 

syllogiama, n. 28, 82 

synonyms, u. 76, 82; gee also 
Sehwiercsina, FnnUonuina, p. 
151 ff. ; and Brook» StudiBs in F. 
p. 110 f. ; method fiom, n. 109 ; 
collecting, n. 77 ; several for 
meaning '* ask," i. 208 ; iir^iuva 
Mi irapajcoAov^bviTa, I. 38 ; 
Fronto has 125, Marcus 19 ; 
ep. in English, traps and snares, 
wrath and indignation, leaps ana 
bounds, shape and form, many 
a time and oft, tied and bound, 
aches and pains, null and void, 
lamentatlfA and mourning and 

tautology, paratis . . . parabat, i. 
56 ; tuium tutatur, i. 36 

tax farming in Africa, i. 233 

tears of dissemblers, n. 17 

technical language of the arts, i. 5 

Tenedos, axe of, 1. 18 

testimonials to friends, I. 285, and 
see £^/s various commendatory 
letters under Fronto 

theatre, dislike of, by M. 1. 139, 141 ; 
M. reads in, I. 207 ; seats in, 
I. 275 ; saffron water in, n. 65 

themes (materia, q.vX i. 19 ; 
209, 210 

thunderbolt, n. 69, 135 ; Jove the 
thunderer, u. 68, 71 

Thyestean banquets of Christians, 
n. 284fi. 

thyme of Hsrmettus, I. 305 

Tiber canalised, n. Ill 

town-hall banquets, I. 271 

trees, that can be lopped, i. 49 ; 
consecrated, n. 87 ; catachanna, 
I. 140; n. 103; their growth 
(oak, fir, alder, cedar, pine, box, 
myrtle, etc.), i. 89 ff. ; " happy " 
trees, n. 181 ; tree twisters, i. 71 

tribune, action of, i. 215 ; tri- 
bunitia potestas, i. 221n. 

trireme, I. 11 

tropes, n. 87 

truth, H. tought to tell the, i. 17 

tyrant, Fronto on, n. 285 

Tyrrhenian Sea, i. 34 


Umbrian word, i. 44 
urochs, n. 217 

utterance, various words for per- 
fect, n. 74 

verse, of use in oratory (especially 

tragic verse, i. 107 
verses in Fronto, see Ehrenthal, 
QuaeO., FronUmianae 
facti causa latet factum specta- 

tur o - o, II. 215 
sponte del iuvisse volunt et 

dignum ope - - n. 32 
modulatae I Vocis amatores primas 

audisse feruntur | aves, n. 72 
cuius spes opesque omnes Id 

vobis soils sunt sitae, I. 298 
ut guisque amore quempiam 
deperit, eius etiam naevolos 
saviatur, n. 42 
ager neglectus fructus uberes 

ferret, l. 46 
trepidant et pavent, fugam 
frustra meditantur, n. 74 

tantum profundi patiar, ne 

luna ocddat 
ventus lucemam ne interimat, ne 

auid tibi 
e mgore impliciscat, ne fluctus 

(ne) vaduB, 
ne piscis aliqua noxsit - ^^ - o - 

I. 222 

neve motus venti cuncta funditus 

Jpercellerent, n. 15 
vu' sator svL, salva si(e)nt sata, 
salva seges sit, n. 120 
Attids propinque thymum ser- 
pyllumque Hsrmettium, i. 804 
verses by Fronto, u. 106, a 
line added to Lucan, and 
perhaps 2 Greek elegiacs ? 
on verse in prose see Brock, 
Studies in Fronto, 124 
Verus, pun on name, I. 62 
Vestal virgins, disqualiflcation for, 
n. 78 



vines, a cune to men, u. 65 ; under 
dime patronage, n. 66, usef nlnesi 
of, II. 85; fable of vine and 
holm oak, n. 85 (ep. Jotham's 
parable, Jvdge$, ix. 8) 

vintage, l. 175, 188, 213, 249; 
n. 185; catches of vintagers, 
T. 181 

virtue, ii. 188 

vivarium, i. 172 

voyage In winter, I. 159 

Vuloan-flre, i. 178 


wakefulness, praise of, i. 91 
waters for rheumatism, i. 83, 90 ; 

hot at Baiae, I. 87, 245 
will power over body, i. 187 : 
oversea wills, l. 156 ff. ; will of 
Niger Censorius, i. 255 n. ; gifts 
under, i. 267 ; codicils to, ii. 96 ; 

tied and sealed, n. 90; wbere 

kept, L 60 
wines, new. L 79 : Jdnda of, i. 177 ; 

n. 60 ; Saguntme, Cretan, Faler- 

nlan, n. 71, 51 ; Faustian. n. 7 : 

" happy " wines, n. 7 ; mixad 

with water, I. 277 
wings of Mercury and Loyo, n. 17 
winds as Gods, I. 44 
wise men, how distinguished, n. 61 ; 

do not practise what they preach* 

n. 63 ; n. 88 
women at Bome during war 

(Sallust), u. 169; vhrtuous. I. 

149; their looks, l. 19; their 

talk. I. 5 
wrestlmg master of M. i. 151 ; »ee 

alM under palaestra and I. 

161 ; n. 8 
writing witli stilus, I. 188; with 

calamus, I. 117 ; erasures, n. 45 
wrongs, private, to be passed over, 
. I. 69 ; n. 117 















Ad. M. 



I /AdM. 
Ud. M. 
/Ad. M. 








No. of 


vol. p. 


LI, F. 

.. .•• 3 ... •«. 

... I. 80 



.. ... o ... ... 

... „ 80 




... „ 82 



.. ... v ... ... 

... „ 90 


L5, F 


... „ 96 




... „ 154 


i. 7F 


... „ 162 



... ., 118 








... „ 112 


U. 3,M 


... „ 128 




... „ 116 


il. 5,M 










... „ 144 


11. 8. F 


... .; 144 


U. 9, M 

. . ... 3«S ... ... 

... „ 146 


U. 10,M 

. . . • . w!/ 

... „ 136 




... „ 140 


ii.l2,M. ... 


... .. 150 


U. 13,M. ... 


... „ 152 


iL14,M. ... 


... „ 152 




... „ 154 


U. 16, F 

• • • •• Off •••  •• 

... n. 94 (186) 

U. 17, M ... 

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96 (187) 

Ui. 1, F. ... 

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m.2,M. ... 

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lli.4,F. ... 

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iIi.5,M. ... 

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m,7.M. ... 


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M. toes. 111. 10, F. 
M. Caes. iii. 17, M. 

M. Caes. iii. 18, M 
M. Caes. iii. 19, M. 
M. Caes. iii. 20, F. 
M. Caes. iii. 21. M. 
M. Cae3. iv. 1, F. 
M. Caes. iv. 2, M. 
M. Caes. iv. 3, F. 
M. Caes. iv. 4, M. 
M. Caes. iv. 5, M. 
M. Caes. iv. 6 ,M. 
M. Caes. iv. 7, M. 
M. Caes. iv. 8, M. 
M. Caes. iv. 9, F. 
M. Caes. iv. 10, M. 
M. Caes. iv. 11, M. 
M. Caes. iv. 12, F. 
M. Caes. iv. 13, M. 
M. Caes. v. Index (8 letters 

letters, M.) 

M. Caes. v. 1, F. 
M. Caes, v. 2, M. 
M. Caes. V. 3, F. 
M. Caes. v. 4, M. ... 
M. Caes. v. 5, (20), M. 
M. Caes. v. 6 (21), F. 
M. Caes. v. 7 (22), M. 
M. Caes. v. 8 (23), M. 
M. Caes. v. 9 (24). F. 
M. Caes. v. 10 (25), F. 
M. Caes. v. 11, (26), M. 
M. Caes. v. 12 (27), F. 
M. Caes. v. 13 (28), M. 
M. Caes. v. 14 (29), F. 
M. Caes. v. 15 (30) M. 
M. Caes. v. 16 (31), M. 
M. Caes. v. 17 (32), F. 
M. Caes. v. 18 (33), F. 
M. Caes. v. 19 (34), M. 
M. Caes. v. 20 (35), F. 
M. Caes. v. 21 (36), M. 
M. Caes. v. 22 (37), F. 
M. Caes. v. 23 (38), M. 
M. Caes. v. 24 (39), M. 
M. Caes. v. 26 (40), F. 
M. Caes. v. 26 (41), M. 
M. Caes. v. 27 (42), F. 
M. Caes. v. 28 (43), M. 
M. Caes. v. 29 (44), F. 
M. Caes. v. 30 (45), F. 
M. Caes. v. 31 (46), H. 

F • 

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Lo^. No. of 

vol. p. Letter 

I. 104 (31) 

„ 106 (32) 

„ 78 (23) 

„ 170 (56) 

„ 172 (67) 

„ 172 (68) 

„ 7e (21) 

„ 74 (22) 
,. 2 (1) 

,, 174 (59) 

„ 178 (60) 

„ 180 (61) 

„ 184 (62) 

184 (63) 

186 (65) 

188 (66) 

„ 202 (99) 

„ 202 (100) 

„ 214 (108) 

I. 190 (71-86) 

I. 188 (67) 
„ 188 (68) 
„ 188 (69) 
„ 190 (70) 
„ ia2 (86) 
„ 192 (87) 
„ 194 (90) 
» 196 (91) 
„ 1»6 (92) 
„ 194 (88) 
„ IW (89) 
„ 198 (43) 
„ 198 (94) 
„ 198 (95) 
,» 200 (96) 
' „ 200 (97) 
„ 200 (98) 
„ 224 (HI) 
„ 224 (112) 
„ 226 (115) 
„ 226 (116) 
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„ 210 (103) 
„ 212 (104) 
„ 212 (105) 
„ 212 (106) 
„ 214 (107) 
„ 208 (101) 
„ 218 (109) 
„ 228 (119^) 
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vol. V- utter 

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, . 12, F. 
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. Ad AmiooB, ii. 9, F. (Index only) 

Ad AmiooB, ii. 10, F. (Index only) 

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Marcnm) F. 

Prindpia Historise (letter 
Marcum) F. 

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LandeB Nei^effentiae, F. 

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IDe FeriiB Alsiensibiis, 2, F. .. 
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(De NeTOte AmlBB, 2, F. 

Arion, JT. ... .«. ... .. 

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EpiBtulae Graeoae, 2, F. 

EpiBtulae Graecae, 3, F. 
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Loeb. No. of 

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„ 268 (161) 

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• • • 

II. 280 — 





Latin Authors, 

APULEIUS. The Golden Ass (Metamorphoses.) Trans, by W, Adlington 
(1566). Revised by S. Gaselee. (2«rf Impression.) 

AUSONIUS. Trans, by H. G. Evelyn White. 2 Vols. Vol. I. 

PHIAE. Trans, by Rev. H. F. Stewart and E. K. Rand. 

CAESAR : C:iVIL WARS. Trans, by A. G. Peskctt. 

CAESAR: GALLIC WAR. Trans, by H. J. Edwards, {jind impressi<m.) 

CATULLUS. Trans, by F. W. Cornish ; TIBULLUS. Trans, by J. P. 
Postgate; and PERVIGILIUM VENERIS. Irans. by J. W. Mackail. 
(3r</ Impression.) 

CICERO : DE FINIBUS. Trans, by H. Rackham. 

CICERO : DE OFFICIIS. Trans, by Walter Miller. 

CICERO: LETTERS TO ATTICUS. Trans, by E. O. Winstedt. 

3 Vols. (Vol. I 2nd Impression.) 
CONFESSIONS OF ST. AUGUSTINE. Trans, by W. Watts (1631). 

a Vols. {2nd Impression.) 
FRONTO : CORRESPONDENCE. Trans, by C. R. Haines. 2 Vols. 

HORACE : ODES AND EPODES. Trans, by C. E. Bennett, {^rd 

JUVENAL AND PERSIUS. Trans, by G. G, Ramsay, (^nd Impression.) 
LIVY. Trans, by B. O. Foster. 73 Vols. Vol. I. 
MARTIAL. Trans, by W. C. Ker. a Vols. 

OVID : HEROIDES AND AMORES. Trans, by Grant Showerman. 
OVID: METAMORPHOSES. Trans, by F. J. Miller. 2 Vols. 
PETRONIUS. Trans, by M. Heseltine ; SENECA: APOCOLO- 

CYNTOSIS. Trans, by W. H. D. Rouse. (3rd impression.) 

PLAUTUS. Trans, by Paul Nixon. 5 Vols. Vols. I and II. 

PLINY: LETTERS. Melmoth's Translation revised by W. M. L. 
Hutchinson. 2 Vols. 

PROPERTIUS. Trans, by H. E. Butler. (2nd Impression.) 

SENECA: EPISTULAE MORALES. Trans, by R. M. Gummere. 
3 Vols. Vols. I and II. 

SENECA : TRAGEDIES. Trans, by F. J. Miller. 2 Vols. 

SUETONIUS. Trans, by J. C. Rolfe. 2 Vols. (7nd Impression.) 

TACITUS : DIALOGUS. Trans, by Sir Wm. Peterson ; and AGRICOLA 

AND GERMANIA. Trans, by Maurice Hutton. (2nd Impression.) 
TERENCE. Trans, by John Sargeaunt. a Vols, (srd Impression.) 
VIRGIL. Trani. by H. R. Fairclough. 2 Vols. (Vol. I and Impression.) 

Greek AuAors, 

ACHILLES TATIUS. Tran*. by S. GaMlee. 

AESCHINES. Trans, by C. D. Adams. 

APOLLONIUS RHODIVS. Trans, by R. C. Seaton. {amdfm^tsi^.) 

THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS. Trans, by Kirsopp Uke. a Vols. 
(Vol. I ytd Impression, Vol. II 9$id Impression.) 

APPIAN'S ROMAN HISTORY. Trans, by Horace White. 4 Vols. 
CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA. Trans, by Rev. G. W. Butterworth. 
DAPHNIS AND CHLOE. Thomley's TransUtion revised by J. M. 

Edmonds ; and PARTHENIUS. Trans, by S. Gaselee. 
DIO CASSIUS : ROMAN HISTORY. Trans, by E. Gary. 9 Vols. 

Vols. I to VI. 
EURIPIDES. Trans, by A. S. Way. 4 Vob. (Vols. I and II 3^^/ 

Impression. VoN. Ill and IV ^nd Im^ession.) 
THE GREEK ANTHOLOGY. Irans. by W. R. Paton. $ Vols. 

(Vols. I and II 2nd Im^ession.) 

CHUS). Trans, by J. M. Edmonds, {yd Impression.) 

White, {and Impression.) 
HOMER : ODYSSEY. Trans, by A. T. Murray. 3 Vols. 
JULIAN. Trans, by Wilmer Cave Wright. 3 Vols. Vols. I and II. 
LUCIAN. Trans, by A. M. Harmon. 7 Vols. Vols. I and IL {and 

MARCUS AURELIUS. Trans, by C. R. Haines. 

Jones. 5 Vols, and Companion Vol. Vol. I. 

Trans, by F. C. Cbnybeare. a Vols. {2nd Impression.) 
PINDAR. Trans, by Sir J. B. Sandys. {2nd Edition.) 

RU& Trans, by H. N. Fowler, {yd Improssion.y 
PLUTARCH: THE PARALLEL LIVES. Tiana. by B. Perrin. 11 Vols 

Vob. I to IX. 

7 Vols. V0I& I to III. 
QUINTUS SMYRNAEUS. Trans, by A. S. Way. 
SOPHOCLES. Trans, by F. Storr. a Vols. (Vol. I 3^/ Impression. 

Vol. II 2nd Impression.) 

the Rev. G. R. Woodward and Harold Mattingly. 
STRABO : GEOGRAPHY. Trans, by Horace L. Jones. 8 Vols. VoL I. 

Hort, Bart, a Vots. 
THUCYDIDES. Trans, by C F. Smith. 4 Vols. Vols. I and IL 
XBNOPHON : CYROPAEDIA. Trans, by Walter MiUer. • Vols. 

POSIUM. Trans, by C L. Brownson. 3 Vols. Vols. I and II. 



Greek Authors. 


AESCHYLUS, H. W. Smyth.. 

APOLLODORUS, Sir J. G. Frazer. 

ARISTOTLE, ORGANON, St. George Stock. 


Edward Capps. 
ATHENAEUS, C. B. Gulick. 

EUSEBIUS, Kirsopp Lake. 

HERODOTUS, A. Godley. 
HOMER, ILIAD, D. A. T. Murray. 
I SOCRATES, G. Norlin. 
LIBANIUS, Wilmer Cave Wright. 
LONGINUS, W. Hamilton Fyfe. 
MANETHO, S. de Ricci. 
MENANDER, F. G. Allinson. 


PLATO, LAWS, R. G. Bury. 

PLATO, REPUBLIC, Paul Shorey. 

POLYBIUS, W. R. Paton. 
ST. BASIL, LETTERS, Prof. Van Den Ven. 




Latin Authors, 

AMMIANUS, C. U. Cl*rk. 

AULUS GELLIUS, S. B. Plainer. 





W. A Falconer. 

CLAUDIAN, M. Platnauer. 

FRONTINUS, DE AQUIS, C. Herschel and C. E. Bennett. 




LUCAN, S. Reinach. 

LUCRETIUS, W. H. D.* Rouse. 



QUINTILIAN. H. E. Butler. 

SI'. AUGUSTINE, MINOR WORKS, Rev. P. Wicksteed. 

SALLUST, J. C. Rolfe. 


STATIUS. H. G. Evelyn White. 

TACITUS, ANNALS, John Jackson. 


VALERIUS FLACCUS, A. F. Scbolficld. 


VITRUVIUS, F. W. Kelsey. 


New York - - G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS. 



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